IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


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'43  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

Wf-^STEB  N.Y    14580 

(716,  £. '2-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/iCMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiqueii 


Tschnical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  atMmptad  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  lor  filming.  Features  of  this 
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which  may  alter  any  of  the  imager  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


D 


n 


n 

D 
D 

n 


D 


D 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag^e 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pellicul^e 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  g^ographiques  en  couleur 


Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relii  avec  d'autres  documents 


r~T|    Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 


along  interior  margin/ 

Lareliure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 

distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  Intirieure 

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II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
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mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 

Additional  comment^:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires; 


L  Institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6tA  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
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point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m6thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiquAs  ci-dessous. 


□    Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

Q    Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 


y 


D 

D 


Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur6es  et/ou  pellicui^es 


A    Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 


Pages  ddcolordes,  tachetdes  ou  piqudes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 

Showthroughy 
Transparence 

Quality  of  prir 

Qualiti  indgale  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  materii 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppl^mentaire 


I      I  Pages  detached/ 

r~7|  Showthrough/ 

I      I  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

I      I  Includes  supplementary  material/ 


Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
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ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
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obtanir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film6  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqud  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

^y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


Bmplaire 
'.  Les  details 
uniques  du 
jvent  modifier 
it  exigar  une 
lie  de  filmage 


d/ 
bes 

}xed/ 
piqu6es 


1/ 
sntaire 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  beun  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Lihrery  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 

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possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
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Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  r^ding  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  ar^  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  imp'-ds- 
sion,  and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  oach  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


L'exemplaire  film*  fut  reproduit  grice  A  la 
ginArositA  de: 

La  bibliothAque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  «t4  reprodultes  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  et 
de  la  netteti  de  I'exempieire  filmA,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 

Les  exemplaires  orlginaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
pepier  est  imprimis  sont  fiimis  en  commengant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminent  soit  par  la 
dernlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exemplaires 
orlginaux  sont  fiim6s  en  commen^ant  par  la 
premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminent  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivents  apparaUra  sur  la 
derniiro  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
CBs:  le  symbole  — *-  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN  ". 

Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
fiimis  d  des  taux  de  rMuction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  il  est  film*  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  ie  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivents 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


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Mr.  SPEAKER.  V 

I  FEAR  that  the  state  of  my  health  may  pre- 
vent my  doing  justice  to  my  sentiments  concerning  this  bill, 
I  will,  howevcFf  make  the  attempt,  though  I  should  fail  in  it. 

The  bill  proposei},  that  twenty  thousand  men  should  be  ad« 
ded  to  the  existing  military  establishment.  This,  at  present, 
consists  of  thirty  five  thousand  men.  So  that  the  effect  of 
this  bill  is  to  place  at  the  disposal  of  the  executive  an  army 
of  fifty  five  thousand.  It  is  not  pretended,  that  this  addition 
is  wanted,  either  for  defence,  or  for  the  relief  of  the  Indian 
frontier.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  expressly  acknowledged,  that 
the  present  establishment  is  sufficient  for  both  of  those  ob- 
jects. But  the  purpose,  for  which  these  twenty  thousand  men 
are  demanded,  is  ff^e  invaHon  of  Canada.  This  4s  unequivo- 
cally avowed  by  the  chairman  of  the  committee  of  foreign  re- 
lations, (Mr.  D.  R.  Williams)  the  organ,  as  i%  admitted,  of  the 
will  and  the  wishes  of  the  American  cabinet. 

The  bill,  therefore,  brings,  necessarily,  into  deliberation 
the  conquest  of  Canada,  either  as  an  object,  in  itself,  desira- 
ble, or  consequentially  advantageous,  by  its  effect,  in  producing 
an  early  and  honourable  peace. 

Before  I  enter  upon  the  discussion  of  those  topics,  which 
naturally  arise  from  this  state  of  the  subject,  I  will  ask  your 
indulgence,  for  one  moment,  while  I  make  a  few  remarks  up- 
on this  intention  of  the  American  cabinet,  thus  unequivocally 
avowed.  I  am  induced  to  this  from  the  knowledge,  which  I 
have,  that  this  design  is  not  deemed  to  be  serious,  by  some 
men  of  both  political  parties  ;  as  well  within  this  house,  as 
out  of  it.  I  know  that  some  of  the  friends  of  the  present  ad- 
ministration do  consider  the  proposition,  as  a  mere  feint,  made 
for  the  purpose  of  putting  a  good  face  upon  things,  and  of 
strengthening  the  hope  of  a  successful  negociation  by  excit- 
ing the  apprehensions  of  the  British  cabinet  for  the  fate  of 
their  colonies.  I  know,  also,  that  some  of  those,  who  are  op- 
posed in  political  sentimenfto  the  men,  who  ure  now  at  the 
head  of  affairs,  laugh  at  these  schemes  of  invasion  ;  and  deeii^ 
them  hardly  worth  controversy,  on  account  of  their  opinion 
of  the  imbecility  of  the  American  cabinet,  and  the  embarrass- 
ment ©fits  resources. 


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I  am  anxious  that  no  doubt  should  exist)  upon  this  subject^ 
either  in  the  house,  or  in  the  nation.  Whoever  considers  the 
object  of  this  bill  to  be  any  other  than  that,  which  has  been 
avowed,  is  mistaken.  Whoever  believes  this  bill  to  be  u  means 
of  peace,  or  any  thing  else,  than  an  instrument  of  vigorous 
and  long-protracted  war,  is  grievously  deceived.  And  whoev- 
er acts  under  such  mistake,  or  such  deception,  will  have  to 
lament  one  of  the  grossest,  and,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  cri- 
tical errors,  of  his  political  life.  I  warn,  therefore,  my  poli- 
tical opponents ;  those  honest  men,  of  which  I  know  there  are 
some,  who,  paying  only  a  general  attention  to  the  course  of 
public  affairs,  submit  the  guidance  of  their  opinions  to  ths 
men  who  stand  at  the  helm,  not  to  vote  for  this  bill,  under 
any  belief  that  its  object  is  to  aid  negociation  for  peace.  Let 
such  gentlemen  recur  to  their  past  experience,  on  similar  oc- 
casions. They  will  find  that  it  has  been  always  the  ca.sf., 
whenever  any  obnoxious  measure  is  about  to  be  pasty 
that  its  passage  is  assisted  by  some  such  collateral  sugges- 
tions. No  sooner  do  the  cabinet  perceive  that  any  potion* 
which  they  intend  to  administer,  is  loathed  by  a  considerable 
part  of  the  majority*  and  that  their  apprehensions  are  alivC) 
lest  it  should  have  a  soowering  effect  Upon  their  popularity* 
than  certain  unde r-operators  arc  set  to  work,  whose  business 
it  is  to  amuse  the  minds,  and  beguile  the  attention,  of  the  pa- 
tients, while  the  dose  is  swallowing.  The  language  always 
is,—"  Trust  the  cabinet  Doctors.  The  medicine  will  not  ope- 
"  rate  as  you  imagine,  but  quite  another  way."  After  this 
manner  the  fears  of  men  are  allayed,  end  the  purposes  of  the 
administration  are  attained,  under  suggestions,  very  different 
from  the  true  motives.  Thus  the  embargo,  which  has,  since, 
been  unequivocally  acknowledged  to  have  been  intended  to 
coerce  Great  Britain,  was  adopted,  us  the  executive  asserted, 
**  to  save  our  essential  resources."  So  also,  when  the  pres- 
ent war  was  declared,  against  Great  Britain,  members  of  the 
house  were  known  to  state,  that  they  voted  for  it,  under  the 
suggestion  that  it  would  not  be  a  war  of  ten  days  ;  that  it  was 
known  that  Mr.  Foster  had  instructions  to  make  definitive  ar- 
rangements, in  his  pocket ;  and  that  the  United  States  had^ 
only  to  advance  to  the  point  of  war,  and  the  whole  business 
would  be  settled.  And  now,  an  army,  which,  in  point  of  num« 
bers,  Cromwell  might  envy,  greater  than  that,  with  which 
Caesar  passed  the  Rubicon,  is  to  be  helped  through  a  reluc- 
tarn  congiess,  under  the  suggestion  of  its  being  only  a  pa- 
rade force,  to  make  negociation  successful  ;  thatitij|  theincir  ; 
pient  Slate  of  a  project  for  a  grand  pacification  !     ..„       ;  ^h. ,,,,., 

I  waru  also  my  political  friends.     These  gentlemen  are  apt 
to  pk.cc  great  rcliuiicc  on  their  own  intelligence  and  sagacity. 
Soir.c  ol    these    will   tell    you,  that  the   invasio.'i  of  Canada  is, 
impubbiblc.    They  ask  where  are  the  men,-~where  is  the  mo- 


■%■ 


ney  to  be  obtained  ?   And  tbcy  talk,  very  wisely,  concerning 
common  sense  and    common  prudence,   und  will   show,  with 
much  learning,   how   this  attempt  is  an  offence  again&t  both 
the  one  and  the  other-     But,  sir,  it  has  been  my    lot,  to  be  au 
observer  of  the   character   and  conduct  of  the  men,   now  in 
power,  for  these  eight  years  past.     And  I  state  without  hesita- 
tion, that  no  scheme  ever   was,  or  ever  will   be,  rejected  by 
them,  merely   on  account  of  its  running   counter  to  the  ordi. 
nary  dictates  of  common   sense  and    common  prudence.     On 
the  contruiy,  on  that  very  account,   I  believe  it  more  likely  to 
be  both   suggested  and  adopted  by  them.     And,  what  may  ap- 
pear a  paradox,  for  that  very  reason,  the  chance  is  rather  in- 
creased, that  it  will  be  successful.  >--^.j  '      v"'? 
I  could  illustrate  this  position  twenty  ways.     I  shall  content 
myself  with  remarking,  only  upon  two  instances,  and  those  re- 
cent ; — the   present  war;     and   the   late  invasion  of  Canada* 
When  war  against  Great  Britain  was  proposed,  at  the  last  ses- 
sion, there  were  thousands,  in  these  United  States,  and  I  con- 
fess to  you,  I  was,  myself,  among  the  number,  who  believed  not 
one  word  of  the  matter.     I  put  my  trust  in  the  old  fashioned 
notions  of  common  sense,  and  common   prudence.     That  a 
people  which  had  been  more  than  twenty  years  at  peace,  should 
enter  upon  hostilities,  against  a  people  which  had  been  twenty 
years  at  war  ;  that  a  nation,  whose  army  and  navy  were   little 
more  thai^  nominal,  should  engage,  in  war,  with  a  nation,  pos- 
sessing one  of  the  best  appointed  armies  and  the  most  power- 
ful marine,  on  the   globe  ;  that  a  country,  to  which  neutrality 
had  been  a  perpetual  har>est,  should  throw  that  great  blessing 
away,  for  a  controversy,  in  which  nothing  was  to  be   gained, 
and  every  thing  valuable  put  in  jeopardy ;  from  these,  and  in- 
numerable like  considerations,  the  idea  seemed  so  absurd,  that 
I  never  once  entertained  it,  as  possible.     And  now,  after  war 
has  been  declared,  the  whole  affair  seems  so  extraordinary,  and 
so  utterly   irreconcileable  to  any  previous  suggestions  of  wisjr 
dom  and  duty,  that   I  know  not  what  to  make  of  it,  or  how  to 
believe  it.      Even  at  this  moment,  my  mind  is  very   much    in 
the  state  of  certain  Pennsylvanian  Germans,  of  whom  I  have 
heard  it  asserted,  that  they  are  taught  to  believe,  by  their  po- 
litical leaders,  and  do,  at  this  moment,  consider  the  allegation, 
that  war  is  at  present  existing,  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain,  to  be  a  ^■^  federal  faUehtod."" 

It  was  just  so  with  respect  to  the  invasion  of  Canada.  I 
heard  of  it  last  June.  I  laughed  at  the  idea,  as  did  multi- 
tudes of  others,  as  an  attempt  too  absurd  for  serious  exam- 
ination. I  was  in  this  case,  again,  beset  by  common  sense 
and  common  prudence.  That  the  United  States  should  pre- 
cipitate itself  upon  the  unofiending  people  of  that  neigbour- 
ing  colony,  unmindful  of  all  freviously  subsisting  anjitles, 
because  the  parent  stat^}  three  thousand  miles  distant,  had 


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violated  some  of  our  commercial  rights  ;  that  we  should  march 
inland,  to  defc*nd  our  ships  and  seamen  ;  that,  with  raw  troops, 
hastily  collected,  miserably  appointed,  and  destitute  of  disci- 
pline, we  should  invade  a  country,  defended  by  veteran  forces, 
at  least  e(|ual,  in  point  of  numbers,  to  the  invading  army : 
that  bounty  should  be  offered,  and  proclamations  issued,  invit- 
ing the  subjects  of  a  foreign  power  to  treason  and  rebellion, 
under  the  influences  of  a  quarter  of  the  country,  upon  which 
a  retort  of  the  same  nature  was  so  obvious,  so  easy,  and  in  its 
consequences  so  awful ;— in  every  aspect,  the  design  seemed 
so  fraught  with  danger  and  disgrace,  that  it  appeared  abso- 
lutely impossible,  that  it  should  be  seriously  entertained. 
Those  however,  who  reasoned  after  this  manner,  were,  as  the 
event  proved,  mistaken.  The  war  was  declared.  Canada  was 
invaded.  We  were  in  haste  to  plunge  into  these  great  diffi- 
culties, and  we  have  now  reason,  as  well  as  leisure  enough,  for 
regret  and  repentance.  '<•  "*■''•>■<-'  j;*.«.'.t      '»(¥    ii**k  -» 

The  great  mistake  of  all  those,  who  reasoned  concernihg 
the  war  and  the  invasion  of  Canada,  and  concluded  that  it 
was  impossible  that  either  should  be  seriously  intended,  re-^ 
suited  from  this,  that  they  never  took  into  consideration  th« 
connexion  of  both  those  events  with  the  great  election,  for 
the  chief  magistracy,  which  was  then  pending.  It  never  was 
sufficiently  considered  by  them,  that  plunging  into  war  with 
Great  Britain,  was  'Among  the  conditions,  on  which  support 
for  the  Presidency  was  made  dependent.  They  did  not  un- 
derstand, that  an  invasion  of  Canada,  was  to  be,  in  truth, 
only  a  mode  of  carrying  on  an  electioneering  cailipaign.  But 
since  events  have  explained  political  purposes,  there  is  no 
difficulty  in  seeing  the  connexions  between  projects  and  inte- 
rests. It  is,  now,  apparent  to  the  most  mole-sighted,  how  a 
nation  may  be  disgraced,  and  yet  a  cabinet  attain  its  desired 
honours.  All  is  clear.  A  country  may  be  ruined,  in  making 
an  administration  happy. 

I  said,  Mr  Speaker,  that  such  strange  schemes,  apparent- 
ly irreconcileablc  to  common  sense  and  comnion  prudence, 
were,  on  that  very  account,  more  likely  to  be  successful. 
Sir,  there  is  an  audacity,  which  sometimes  stands  men  in 
stead  both  of  genius  and  strength.  And,  most  assuredly,  he 
lis  most  likely  to  perform  that,  which  no  man  ever  did  before, 
and  will  never  be  likely  to  do  again, 
undertake  that,  which  no  man  ever 
in  lime  past,   and  no  man  will   ever 

time  future.  I  would  not,  however,  be  understood  as  intimat- 
ing, that  this  cabinet  project  of  invasion  is  impracticable,  ei- 
ther as  it  respects  the  collection  of  means  and  instruments,  or 
in  the  ultimate  result.  On  the  contrary,  sir,  I  deem  both 
very  feasible.  Men  may  be  obtained.  For  if  forty  dollars 
bounty  cannot  obtain  them,  an  hundred  dollars  bounty  may, 


who  has  the  boldness  to 
thought  of  attempting, 
think  of  attempting,  in 


and  the  Intention  is,  explicitly^  avowed  not  to  tuFTer  the 
attainment  of  the  desired  army  to  be  prevented  by  any  vul- 
gar notions  of  economy.  Money  may  be  obtained.  What, 
by  Treaua  of  the  increased  popularity,  derived  from  the 
augmentation  of  the  navy,  what,  by  opening  subscription  offi- 
ces, in  the  interior  of  the  country,  what,  by  large  premiums, 
the  cupi'lity  of  the  monied  interest  may  be  tempted,  beyond  the 
point  of  patriotic  resistance,  and  all  the  attained  means  being 
diverted  to  the  use  of  the  army,  pecuniary  resources  may  be 
obtained,  ample,  at  least,  for  the  first  year.  And,  sir,  let  an 
army  of  thirty  thousand  men  be  collected,  let  them  be 
put  under  the  command  of  a  popular  leader,  let  them  be  of- 
ficered to  suit  his  purposes,  let  them  be  flushed  with  victories, 
and  see  the  fascinating  career  of  military  giory  opening  upon 
them,  and  they  will  not  thereafter  ever  be  deficient  in  resour* 
ces.  If  they  cannot  obtain  their  pay  by  your  votes,  they  will 
collect  it  by  their  own  bayonets  ;  and  they  will  not  rigidly  ob- 
serve any  air-lines,  or  water-lines,  in  enforcing  their  necessary 
levies;  nor  be  stayed  by  abstract  speculations  concerning 
right,  or  learned  constitutional  difficulties. 

I  desire,  therefore,  that  it  may  be  distinctly  understood, 
both  by  this  house  and  this  nation,  that  it  is  my  unequivocal 
belief,  that  the  invasion  of  Cmada,  which  is  avowed,  by  the 
Cabinet,  to  be  its  purpose,  is  intended  by  it ; — that  continuance 
of  the  war  and  not  peace  is  its  project.  Yes,  sir,  as  the 
French  Emperor  said  concerning  ships  and  colonies,  so  our 
Cabinet,  the  friends  of  the  French  Emperor,  may  say,  with 
respect  to  Canada  and  Halifax.-^*'  Thsy   enter  into   the 

SCOPE    OF    ITS    POLICY." 


Mr.  Quincy  was  here  called  to  order  by  Mr.  Hall  of  Geor- 
gia, for  intimating  that  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were 
friends  of  the  French  Emperor. 

Mr.  Quincy  said,  that  he  understood  that  the  relations  of 
amity  did  subsist  between  this  country  and  France,  and  that, 
in  such  a  state  of  things,  he  had  a  right  to  speak  of  the  Amer- 
ican Cabinet,  as  the  friends  of  France,  in  the  same  manner  as 
he  had  now  a  right  to  call  them,  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain. 
'i  he  Speaker  said,  that  the  relations  of  amity  certainly  did 
subsist  between  this  country  and  France,  and  that  he  did  not 
conceive  the  gentleman  from  Massachusetts  to  be  out  of  order 
in  his  expressions.  That  :t  was  impossible  to  prevent  gentle- 
men from  expressing  themselves,  so  as  to  convey  an  innuendo. 

Mr.  Quincy  proceeded — If,  Mr.  Speaker,  the  gentleman 
from  Georgia,  and  his  political  friends,  would  take  one  thinp; 
into  consideration,  he,  and  they,  will  have  no  reason  to  com- 
plain, in  case  the  cabinet  be  of  that  immaculate  nature,  he 
supposes.  No  administration,  no  man,  was  ever  materially 
injured  by  any  mere  <'  innuendo.''''     The   strength  of  suiive  is 


ihc  justness  of  the  remark,  and  the  only  sling  of  mvcclire,  i» 
the  truth  of  the  observation. 

I  will  now  proceed  to  disCuss  those  topics,  which  naturally 
arise  out  the  hill,  under  consideration,  and  examine  the  pro- 
posed invasion  of  Canada,  at  three  different  points  of  view. 

1.  As  a  means  of  carrying  on  the  subsisting  war. 

2.  As  a  means  of  obtaining  an  early  and  honourable  peace. 

3.  As  a  means  of  advancing  the  personal  and  local  projects 
of  ambition  of  the  members  of  the  American  cabinet. 

Concerning  the  invasion  of  Canada,  as  a  means  of  carrying 
on  the  subsisting  war,  it  is  my  duty  to  speak  plainly  and  de- 
cidedly, not  only  because  I  herein  express  my  own  opinions 
upon  the  subject,  but,  as  I  conscientiously  believe,  the  senti- 
ments also  of  a  very  great  majority  of  that  whole  section  of  coun- 
try, in  which  I  have  the  happiness  to  reside.  I  say-,  then,  air\ 
that  I  consider  the  invasion  of  Canada,  as  a  means  of  carry- 
ing on  this  war,  as,  cruel,— wanton -—senseless, — and  wicked. 

You  will  easily  understand,  ^.Ir.  Speaker,  by  this  very 
statement  of  opinion,  that  I  am  not  one  of  that  class  of  poli- 
ticians, which  has  for  so  many  years  predominated  in  the 
world,  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  You  will  readily  be- 
lieve, that  I  am  not  one  of  thone,  who  worship  in  that  temple, 
■where  Condorcet  is  the  high  priest  and  Machiavel  the  God. 
With  such  politicians,  the  end  always  sanctifies  the  means  ; — 
the  least  possible  good  to  themselves,  perfectly  justifies,  ac- 
cording to  their  creed,  the  inflicting  the  greatest  possible  evil 
upon  others.  In  the  judgment  of  such  men,  if  a  corrupt  min- 
istry, at  three  thousand  miles  distance,  shall  have  done  them 
an  injury,  it  is  an  ample  cause  to  visit  with  desolation  a  peace- 
able and  unoffending  race  of  men,  their  neighbours,  who  hap- 
pen to  be  associated  with  that  ministry  by  ties  of  mere  po- 
litical dependence.  What  though  these  colonies  be  so  remote 
from  the  sphere  of  the  questions  in  controversy,  that  their 
ruin,  or  prosperity,  could  have  no  possible  influence  upon  the 
result  ?  What  though  their  cities  offer  no  plunder  ?  What 
though  their  conquest  can  yield  no  glory  ?  In  tlieir  ruin,  there 
is  revenge.  And  revenge,  to  such  politicians,  is  the  sweetest 
of  all  morsels.  With  such  men,  neither  I,  nor  the  people  of 
that  section  of  country,  in  which  I  reside,  hold  any  commun- 
on.  There  is,  between  us  and  them,  no  one  principle  of  sym- 
pathy, either  in  motive,  or  action. 

That  wise,  moral,  reflecting  people,  which  constitute  the 
great  mass  of  the  population  of  Massachusetts,  indeed  of  all 
New-England,  look  for  the  sources  of  their  political  duties  no 
where  elsei  than  in  those  fountains,  from  which  spring  their 
moral  duties.  According  to  their  estimate  of  human  life  and  its 
obligations,  both  political  and  moral  duties  emanate  from  the  na- 
ture of  things,  and  from  the  essential  and  eternal  relations, 
which    ubsisi  among  them.     True  it  is,  that  a  state  of  war  gives 


•^ 


I 


the  right  to  seice  and  appfopriate  the  f>rop«r(y  and  territories 
of  an  enemy.  Tttic  it  is,  that  tlic  colonics  uf  a  foreign  power 
arc  viewed,  acroidin^  to  the  law  uf  uationb,  in  the  light  of  its 
properly.  But  in  estimating  the  propriety  of  carrying  deinla« 
tion,  into  the  peaceful  abodes  uf  their  neighbours,  the  people  of 
New-England  will  not  limit  their  contemplation  to  the  mere  cir- 
cumstunce  of  abstract  right,  nor  ask  what  lawyers  and  jurispru* 
dists  have  written,  or  said,  as  if  this  w.is  conclusive  upon  the  sub- 
ject. That  people  are  much  addicted  to  think  for  themselves  ; 
and  in  canvassing  the  propriety  of  such  an  invasion,  they  will 
consider  the  actual  condition  of  those  colonies,  their  natural  re- 
lations  to  us,  and  the  effect,  which  their  conquest  and  ruin  will 
have,  not  only  upon  the  people  of  those  coloiiies,  but  upon  them- 
selves, and  their  own  liberties  and  constitution.  Above  all) 
what  I  know  will  seem  strange  to  some  of  those  who  hear  me^ 
they  will  not  forget  to  apply  to  a  case,  occurring  between  iia^ 
tions,  as  far  as  is  practicable,  that  heaven-descended  rule,  which 
the  great  author  and  founder  of  their  religion  has  fjiven  them, 
for  the  regulation  of  their  conduct  towards  each  other.  They 
will  consider  it  the  duty  of  these  United  States,  to  act  towa-ds 
those  colonies,  as  they  would  wish  those  colonies  *o  act,  in  ex- 
change of  circumstances,  towards  these  United  States. 

The  actual  condition  of  those  colonies,  and  the  relation,  in 
which  they  stood  to  the  United  States,  antecedent  to  the  declar- 
ation of  war,  were  of  this  nature.  Those  colonies  had  no  con- 
nexion with  the  questions,  in  dispute,  between  us  and  their  par- 
ent state.  They  had  done  us  no  injury.  They  meditated  none 
to  us.  Between  the  inhabitants  of  those  colonies  and  the  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States,  the  most  friendly,  and  mutually  use- 
ful, intercourse  subsisted.  The  borderers,  on  this,  and  those  on 
the  other  side  of  the  St.  Lav/rcnce,  and  of  the  boundary  line, 
scarcely  realized  that  tiiey  were  subjects  of  different  govern- 
ments. They  interchanged  expressions  and  acts  of  civility. 
Intermarriages  took  place  among  them.  The  Canadian  some- 
times settled  in  the  United  States.  Sometimes  our  citizens  em- 
igrated to  Canada.  After  the  declaration  of  war,  had  they  any 
disposition  to  assail  us  ?  We  have  the  reverse,  expressly,  in  evi- 
dence. They  desired  nothing  so  much  as  to  keep  perfect  the 
then  subsisting  relations  of  amity.  Would  the  conquest  of 
those  colonies  shake  the  policy  of  the  British  cabinet  1  No  man 
has  shewn  it.  Unqualified  assertions,  it  is  true,  have  been 
made,  but  totally  unsupported  by  any  evidence,  or  even  the  pre- 
tence of  argument.  On  the  contrary,  nothing  was  more  obvious 
than  that  an  invasion  of  Canada  must  strengthen  the  ministry  of 
Great  Britain,  by  the  excitement  and  sympathy,  which  would  be 
occasioned,  in  the  people  of  that  country,  i:i  consequence  of  the 
sufferings  of  the  innocent  inhabitants  of  those  colonies,  on  ac^ 
count  of  a  dispute,  in  which  they  had  no  concern,  and  of  which 
they  had  scarcely  a  knowledge.  All  this  was  anticipated.  All 
this  was  frequently  urged  to  this  house,  at  the  last  and  preeed- 

0 


::  r 


« 


I* 


* 


10 

ing  sessions,  as  the  necessary  effect  of  such  a  measure.  The  ■ 
event  has  justified  those  predictions.  The  late  elections  in  G. . 
Britain,  have  terminated  in  the  complete  triumph  of  the  friends 
of  the  British  ministry.  In  effecting  this  change,  the  conduct  of 
these  United  States,  in  relation  to  Canada,  has  had,  undeniably,  a 
mighty  influence,  by  the  disgust  and  indignation,  felt  by  the  Brit- 
ish people,  at  a  step  so  apparently  wanton  and  cruel.     "J-       J  •' 

As  there  was  no  direct  advantage  to  be  hoped,  from  the  con- 
quest of  Canada,  so  also  there  was  none  incidetital.  Plunder 
there  was  none.  At  least  none,  which  would  pay  the  cost  of  the 
conquest.  Glory  there  was  none.  Could  seven  millions  of  peo- 
ple obtain  glory,  by  precipitating  themselves  upon  half  a  mil- 
lion and  trampling  them  into  the  dust  ?  'A  giant  obtain  glory,  by 
crushing  a  pigmy  !  That  giant  must  have  a  pigmy's  spirit,  who 
could  reap,  or  hope,  glory  from  such  an  achievement. 

Surely  a  people,  with  whom  we  were  connected  by  so  many 
natural  and  adventitious  ties,  had  some  claims  upon  our  human- 
ity. Suk-ely,  if  our  duty  required  that  they  and  theirs  should  be 
sacrificed  to  our  interests,  or  our  passions,  some  regret  mingled 
in  the  execution  of  the  purpose.  We  postponed  the  decree  of 
ruin,  until  the  last  moment.  We  hesitated — we  delayed,  until 
longer  delay  was  dangerous.  Alas  !  Sir,  there  was  nothing  of 
this  kind,  or  character,  in  the  conduct  of  the  cabinet.  The  war 
had  not  yet  been  declared,  when  Gen.  Hull  had  his  instructions 
to  put  in  train  the  work  of  destruction.  There  was  an  eager- 
ness for  the  blood  of  the  Canadians,  a  headlong  precipitation  for 
their  ruin,  which  indicated  any  thing  else,  rather  tlian  feelings 
of  humanity,  or  visitings  of  nature,  on  account  of  their  condition. 
Our  armies  were  on  their  march  for  their  frontier,  while  yet 
peace  existed  between  this  country  and  the  parent  state  ;  and 
the  invasion  was  obstinately  pursued,  after  a  knowledge  that  the 
chief  ground  of  controversy  was  settled,  by  the  abandonment  of 
the  British  orders  in  council ;  and  after  nothing  remained  but  a 
stale  ground  of  dispute,  which,  however  important  in  itself,  was 
of  a  uittuie,  for  which  no  man  has  ever  yet  pretended,  that  for  it 
alone  war  would  have  been  declared.  Did  ever  one  govern- 
ment exhibit,  towards  any  people,  a  more  bloody  and  relentless 
spirit  of  rancour  ?  Tell  not  me  of  petty  advantages,  of  remote 
and  poasibly  useful  contingencies,  which  might  arise  from  the 
devabtation  of  those  colonies.  Show  any  advantage,  which  jus- 
tifies that  dreadful  phial  of  wrath,  which,  if  the  intention  of  the 
American  cabinet  had  been  fulfilled,  would,  at  this  day,  have 
been  peered  o\it  upon  the  heads  of  the  Canadians.  It  is  not  ow- 
ing to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  American  administration,  if  the 
bones  of  the  Canadians  are  not,  at  this  hour,  mingled  with  the 
ashes  of  their  habitations.  It  is  easy  enough  to  make  an  excuse 
for  any  purpose.  When  a  victim  is  destined  to  be  immolated^ 
every  hedge  presents  sticks  for  the  sacrifice.  The  lamb,  who 
stands  at  tne  mouth  of  the  stream,  will  always  trouble  the  water, 
if  you  take  the  account  of  the  wolf,  who  stands  at  the  source  of 


11 


.  The 
IS  in  G. 

friends 
iduct  of 
liably,  a 
he  Brit- 

the  con- 
Plunder 
St  of  the 
i  of  peo- 
If  a  mil- 
;lory,  by 

Irit,  who 

■•#  ■   -,'  -f  I  ■ 

so  many 
human- 
hould  be 
mingled 
lecree  of 
ed,  until 
)thing  of 
The  war 
Lructions 
n  eager- 
ation  for 
feelings 
ondition. 
hile  yet 
ite  ;  and 
that  the 
iment  of 
ed  but  a 
self,  was 
hat  for  it 
govern- 
elentless 
remote 
rom  the 
lich  jus- 
on  of  the 
ay,  have 
not  ow- 
)n,  if  the 
with  the 
n  excuse 
itnolated, 
Linb,  who 
he  water, 
ource  of 


it.  But  show  R  good  to  us,  bearing  any  proporti^^n  to  the  multi- 
plied evils,  proposed  tu  be  visited  upon  ihem.  There  is  none.  < 
Never  was  there  an  invasion  of  any  country  worse  than  this,  in 
point  of  moral  principle,  since  the  invasion  of  the  West  Indies 
by  the  Buccaneers,  or  that  of  these  United  States  by  captain 
Kidd.  Indeed  both  Kidd  and  the  Buccaneers  had  more  apolo- 
gy, for  their  deed,  than  the  American  cabinet.  They  had  at 
least  the  hope  of  plunder.  But,  in  this  case,  there  is  not  even 
the  poor  refuge  of  cupidity.  We  have  heard  great  lamentations^ 
about  the  disgrace  of  our  arms,  on  the  frontier.  Why,  sir,  the 
disgrace  of  our  arms,  on  the  frontier,  is  terrestrial  glory,  in 
comparison  with  the  disgrace  of  the  attempt.  The  whole  at- 
mosphere rings  with  the  utterance,  from  the  other  side  of  the 
house,  of  this  word—"  gloiy,"— "  glory,"  in  connection  with 
this  invasion.  What  glory  ?  Is  it  the  glory  of  the  tiger,  which 
lifts  his  jaws,  ail  foul  and  bloody,  from  the  bowels  of  his  victim, 
and  roars  for  his  companions  of  the  woods  to  come  and  witness 
his  prowess  and  his  spoils  ?  Such  is  the  glory  of  Ginghis 
Khan  and  of  Bonaparte.  Be  such  glory  far,  very  far  from  my 
country.    Never, — never, — may  it  be  accursed  with  such  fame. 

"  Fame  is  no  plant  that  grows  on  mortal  soil, 
.     >.w .  **  ^o*"  'o  the  glistering  foil 

••  Set  off  to  tKe  world,  nor  in  broad  rumour  lies, 
.;'•    t^.', '"     «« But  lives  BHd  spreads  aloft,  by  those  pure  eyes       \^  ' 

<-,-♦»,'!.-*  "And  perfect  witness  of  all-judging  Jove,  ,        > 

^  .         **  As  he  pronounces  lastly  ou  each  deed." 

May  such  fame  as  this  be  my  country's  meed. 

But  the  wise  and  thoughtful  people  of  our  northern  section 
will  not  confine  their  reflections  to  the  duties,  which  result  from 
the  actual  condition  of  those  colonies,  and  their  general  rela- 
tions to  the  United  States,  they  will  weigh  the  duties  the  people 
of  the  United  States  owe  to  themselves,  and  contemplate  ihe  ef- 
fect, which  the  subjugation  of  those  Canadians  will  have  upon  our 
own  liberties  and  ^constitution.  Sir,  it  requires  but  little  expe- 
rience in  the  nature  of  thu  .juman  character,  and  but  a  very  lim- 
ited acquaintance  with  the  history  of  man,  to  be  satisfied  that, 
with  the  conquest  of  the  Canadas,  the  liberties  and  constitution 
of  this  country  peiish. 

Of  all  nations  in  the  world,  this  nation  is  the  last,  which  ought 
to  admit  among  its  purposes  tKe  design  of  foreign  conquests. 
States,  such  as  are  these,  connected  by  ties,  so  peculiar  ;  into 
whose  combination  there  enters,  necessarily,  numerous  jealous- 
ies and  fears  ;  whose  interests  are  not  always  r^concileable,  and 
the  passions,  education  and  character  of  whot.  people,  on  m<»ny 
accountSv  are  repugnant  to  each  other  ;  with  a  constitution  made 
merely  for  defence  ; — it  is  impossible,  that  an  association  of  in- 
dependent sovereignties,  standing  in  such  relanons  to  e^ich  oth- 
er, should  not  have  the  principles  of  its  union,  and  the  hopes  of 
its  constitution  materially  affected,  by  the  collection  of  a  large 
military  force,  and  its  employment  in  the  subjugation  of  neigh- 


f 


• 


: 


'    12 

bourlng  territories.  It  is  easy  to  see,  that  af>  army,  collected  in 
such  a  state  of  society,  as  that  which  exists  ii»  this  country, 
where  waj^es  are  high,  and  subsistence  easily  to  be  obtained, 
must  be  composed,  so  far  as  respects  the  soldiery,  for  the  most 
part  of  the  refuse  of  the  country  ;  and,  as  it  respects  the  officers, 
with  some  honourable  exceptions  indeed,  must  consist,  in  a 
considerable  degree,  of  men,  desperate,  sometimes,  in  fortune, 
c.t  others,  in  reputation ;  "  choice  spirits  ;"  men  "  tired  of  the 
dull  pursuits  of  civil  life,"  who  have  not  virtue,  or  talents,  to 
rise  in  a  calm  and  settled  state  of  things,  and  who,  all  other 
means  of  advancement  or  support  wanting,  or  failing,  take  to 
the  sword.  A  body  of  thirty,  or  fifty  thousand,  such  men,  com- 
bined, armed,  and  under  a  popular  leader,  is  a  very  formidable 
force.  They  want  only  discipline  and  service,  to  make  them 
veterans.  Opportunity  to  acquire  these,  Canada  will  afford. 
The  army,  which  advances  to  the  walls  of  Quebec,  in  the  pres- 
ent condition  of  Canadian  preparation,  must  be  veteran.  And 
a  veteran  army,  under  a  popular  leader,  flushed  with  victory, 
each  individual  realizing,  that  while  the  body  remains  combined, 
he  may  be  something,  and,  possibly,  very  great,  that  if  dissolv- 
ed, he  sinks  into  insignificance,  will  not  be  disbanded  by  vote. 
They  will  consult  with  one  another,  and  with  their  beloved 
chieftain,  upon  this  subject  ;  and  not  trouble  themselves  about 
the  advice  of  the  old  people,  who  are  knitting  and  weaving,  in 
the  chimney  corners,  at  Washington.  Let  the  American  peo- 
ple receive  this  as  an  undoubted  truth,  which  experience  will 
verify.——  Whoever  platita  the  American  standard  on  the  ivalls 
of  Quebec^  conquers  it  for  himself  and  not  for  the  fteofile  of 
these  United  States.  Whoever  lives  to  see  that  event,— may 
my  head  be  low  in  the  dust  before  it  happen  ! — will  witness  a 
dynasty  established,  in  that  country,  by  the  sword.  He  will 
see  a  King,  or  an  Emperor,  dukedoms,  and  earldoms,  and  baro- 
nies distributed  to  the  officers,  and  knights'  fees  bestowed  on 
the  soldiery.  Such  an  army  will  not  trouble  itself  about  geo- 
graphical lines,  in  portioning  out  the  divisions  of  its  new  em- 
pire ;  and  will  run  the  parallels  of  its  power  by  other  steel 
than  that  of  the  compass.  When  that  event  happens,  the  people 
of  New  England,  if  they  mean  to  be  free,  must  have  a  force  e- 
qual  to  defend  themselves  against  such  an  army.  And  a  mili- 
tary force,  equal  to  this  object,  vrill  itself  be  able  to  enslave  the 
countiy. 

Mr.  Speaker,  when  I  contemplate  the  character  and  con- 
sequences of  this  invasion  of  Canada,  when  I  reflect  upon  its 
criminality  and  its  danger  to  the  peace  and  liberty  of  this,  once 
happy,  country,  I  thank  the  great  author  and  source  of  all  vir- 
tue, that,  through  his  grace,  that  section  of  country,  in  which  I 
have  the  happiness  to  reside,  is,  in  so  great  a  degree,  free  from 
the  iniquity  of  this  transgression.  I  speak  it  with  pride,  the 
people  of  that  section  have  done  what  they  could,  to  vindicate 
themselves  and  their  children   from  the  burden   of  this  sin. 


18 


illected  in 
s  country, 

obtained, 
r  the  most 
ic  officers, 
nsist,  in   a 
in  fortune, 
ired  of  the 
talents,  to 
,  all  other 
ig,  take  to 
men,  com- 
formidable 
lake  them 
vill  afford, 
n  the  pres- 
an.       And 
th  victory, 
,  combined, 
if  dissolv- 
ed by  vote. 
;ir  beloved 
lives  about 
veaving,  in 
jrican  peo- 
jrience  will 
n  the  ivalls 
•  people    of 
vent,— may 
11  witness  a 
He  will 
5,  and  baro- 
estowed  on 
about  geo- 

new  em- 
other  steel 
,  the  people 

a  force  e- 
A.nd  a  miU- 
enslave  the 

and  con- 
ct  upon  its 
>f  this,  once 
e  of  all  vir- 
in  which  I 
3,  free  from 
pride,  the 
:o  vindicate 
if  this  sin. 


^ 


That  whole  section  has  risen,  almost  as  one  man,  for  the  pur« 
pose  of  driving  from  power,  by  one  great  constitutional  effort, 
the  guilty  authors  of  this  war.  If  they  have  failed,  it  has  been, 
not  through  the  want  of  will,  or  of  exertion,  but  in  consequence 
of  the  weakness  of  their  political  power.  When  in  the  usual 
course  of  divine  providence,  who  punishes  nations,  as  well  as  in- 
dividuals, his  destroying  angel  shall,  on  this  account,  pass  over 
this  country,  and  sooner,  or  later,  pass,  it  will, — I  may  br  per- 
mitted to  hope,  that  over  New-England  his  hand  will  be  stayed. 
Our  souls  are  not  steeped  in  the  blood,  which  has  been  shed  in 
tiiis  war.  The  spirits  of  the  unhappy  men,  who  have  been  sent 
to  an  untimely  audit,  have  borne  to  the  har  of  divine  justice  no 
accusations  against  us. 

This  opuiion,  concerning  the  principle  of  this  invasion  of  Can- 
ada, is  not  peculiar  to  me.  Multitudes,  who  approve  the  war, 
detest  it.  I  believe  this  sentiment  is  entcrtuiited,  w  ithout  dis- 
tinction of  parties,  by  almost  all  the  moral  sense,  and  nine  tenths 
of  the  intelligence,  of  the  whole  northern  section  of  the  United 
States.  I  know  that  men  from  that  quarter  of  the  country  will 
tell  you  differently.  Stories  of  a  very  different  kind  are  brought 
by  all  those,  who  come  trooping  to  Washington  for  place,  ap- 
pointments and  emoluments;  men,  who  will  say  any  tl»ing  to 
please  the  ear,  or  do  any  thing  to  please  the  eye  of  Majesty,  for 
Lhe  sake  of  thole  fat  contracts  and  gifts  which  it  scatters  ;  men, 
whose  fathers,  brothers,  and  cousins  are  provided  for  by  the  de- 
partments ;  whose  full  grown  children  are  at  suck  at  the  money- 
distilling  breasts  of  the  treasury  ;  the  little  men,  who  sigh  after 
great  offices;  those  who  have  judgeships  in  hand, or  judgeships 
in  promise  ;  toads,  that  live  upon  the  vapour  of  the  palace  ;  that 
swallow  great  men's  spittle  at  the  levees  ;  that  stare  and  won- 
der at  all  the  fine  sights,  which  they  see  there,  and  most  of  all 
wonder  at  themselves, — how  they  got  there  to  see  them.  These 
men  will  tell  you,  that  New-England  applauds  this  invasion. 

But,  Mr.  Speaker,  look  at  the  elections.  What  is  the  lan- 
guage they  speak?  The  present  tenant  of  the  chief  magistracy 
rejected,  by  that  whole  section  of  country,  with  the  exception  of 
a  single  state,  unanimously.  And  for  whom?  In  favour  of  a 
man,  out  of  the  circle  of  his  own  state,  wiihout  much  iiifluencc, 
and  personally  almost  unknown  ;  in  favour  of  a  man,  against 
whom  the  prevailing  influence,  in  New-England,  had  previous- 
ly strong  political  prejudices,  and  with  whom,  at  the  time  of 
giving  him  their  support,  they  had  no  political  understanding  ; 
in  favour  of  a  man,  whose  merits,  whatever  in  other  respects  they 
might  be,  were  brought  into  notice,  in  the  first  instance,  chiefly, 
so  far  as  that  election  was  concerned,  by  their  opinion  of  the  ut- 
ter want  of  merit  of  the  man,  whose  re-election  they  opposed. 

Among  the  causes  of  that  universal  disgust,  which  pervaded 
all  New-England,  at  the  administration  and  its  supporters,  was 
the  general  dislike  and  contempt  of  this  invasion  of  Canada.  1 
have  taken  some  pains  to  learn  the  sentiments,  which  prevail,  on 


fill 
i- ' 


:1 


\i 


1* 

this  subject,  in  New-England,  and  particularly  among  its  yeu* 
manry,  the  pride  and  the  hope  of  that  countky.  I  have  conver- 
sed with  men,  resting  on  thf.ir  spr.desand  leaning  on  the  handles 
of  their  ploughti,  while  they  relaxed  for  a  moment,  from  the  la- 
bour,  by  which  they  support  their  families,  and  which  gives  such 

a  hardihood  and  character  to  their  virtues.      They  asked 

«  What  do  we  want  of  Canada  ?  We  have  land  eaough.  Do  we 
"  want  plunder  ?  There  is  not  enough  o{  that,  to  pay  cost  of 
"  getting  it.  Are  our  ocean  rights  theie  ?  Oris  it  thereout 
"  seamen  are  held  in  captivity  ?  Are  new  states  desired^  We 
"  have  plenty  of  those  already.  Are  they  to  be  held  as  conquer- 
"  ed  territories  ?  This  will  require  an  array  there.  Then  to  be 
*'  safe,  we  must  have  an  army  here.  And,  with  a  standing  army.j 
"  what  security  for  our  liberties  ?" 

These  are  no  fictitious  reasonings.  They  are  the  sugges- 
tions, I  doubt  not,  of  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  our  har- 
dy New  England  yeomanry  ; — men,  who,  when  their  country 
calls,  at  any  wise  and  real  exigency,  will  start  from  their  native 
soils  and  throw  their  shields  over  their  libci  ties,  like  the  soldiers 
of  Cadmus,  "armed  in  complete  steel ;"  yet  men,  who  have 
heard  the  winding  of  ycur  horn  to  the  Canada  campaign,  with 
the  same  apathy  and  indifference,  with  which  tliey  would  hear, 
in  the  streets,  the  trilling  of  a  jews-harp,  or  the  twirring  of  a 
bandjoe.  , t_j ,«    .^  ■  ,.  .»,,.f  , 

The  plain  truth  is,  that  the  people  of  New  England  have  no 
desire  for  Canada.  Their  moral  sentiment  does  not  justify,  and 
they  win  not  countenance,  its  invasion.  I  have  thus  stated  the 
grounds,  on  which  they  deem,  and  I  have  felt  myself  bound  to 
maintain,  that  this  contemplated  invasion  of  that  territory  is,  as 
it  respects  the  Canadians,  ^vanton  and  cruel ;  because  it  inflicts 
the  greatest  imaginable  evils  on  them,  without  any  imaginable 
benefit  to  us ;  that,  as  it  respects  the  United  States,  such  an  in- 
vasion is  senseless,  because,  ultimately,  ruinous  to  our  own  polit- 
ical safety  ;  and  wicked,  because  it  is  an  abuse  of  the  blessings 
of  divine  providence,  and  a  manifest  perversion  of  his  multiplied 
bounties,  to  the  purpose  of  desolating  an  innocent  and  unoffend- 
ing people. 

I  shall  now  proceed  to  the  next  view  I  proposed  to  take  of 
this  project  of  invading  Canada,  and  consider  it  in  the  light  of 
a  means  to  obtain  an  early  and  honourable  /icace.  It  is  said,  and 
this  is  the  whole  argument  in  favour  of  this  invasion,  in  this  as- 
pect, that  the  only  way  to  negotiate  successfully  with  Great 
Britain,  is  to  appeal  to  her  fears,  and  raise  her  terrors,  for  the 
fate  of  her  colonies.  I  shall,  here,  say  nothing  concerning  the 
diflicultics  of  executing  this  scheme;  nor  about  the  possibility 
of  a  deficiency,  both  in  men  andmcncy.  I  will  not  dwell  on  the 
disgust  of  all  New  England  ;  nor  on  the  influence  of  this  dis- 
gust, with  respect  to  your  efforts.  I  will  admit,  for  the  present, 
that  an  army  may  be  raised;  and  tiiat,  during  the  first  year*,  it 
may  be  supported  by  loans,  and  that  afterwards,  it  will  support 


Wo 


itself  by  bayonets.    I  will  admit)  farther,  for  the  sake  of  argu< 
znent,  that  success  isposhible,  and  that  Great  Britain  realizes  the 
practicability   of  it.     Now,  all^  this  being  admitted,  I  maintain 
that  the  surest  of  all  possible  ways  to  defeat  any  hope,  from  ne- 
gotiation, is  the  threat  of  such  an  invasion,  and  an  active   prep- 
aration  to  execute  it.     Those   must  be  very  ytiung  politicians) 
thfeir  pin-feathers  not  yet  grown,  and,   however  they  may  flutter 
on  this  floor,  they  are  not  yet  fledged  for  any  high,   or  distant 
flight,  who  think  that  threats  and  appealing  to  fear  are  the  ways 
of  producing  a  disposition  to  negotiate,  in  Great  Britain,  or  in 
any  other  nation,  which   understands  what  it  owcp  to  its  own 
safety  and  honour.     No  nation  can  yield  to  threat,  what  it  mie;ht 
yield  to  a  sense   of  interest ;  because,  in  that  case,  it  has  no 
credit  for  what  it  grants,  and  what  is  more,  loses  something  in 
point  of    reputation    from  tlie    imbecility,    which    concessions 
made    under  such  circumstances    indicate.       Of  all  natioitis  in 
the  world,   Great  Britain  is  the  last  to  yield  to   considerations  of 
fear  and   terror.     The  whole  history  of  the  British  nation  is  one 
tissue  of  facts,  tending  to  show  the  spirit,  with  which  she  meets 
alltittempts  to  bully  and  brow-beat  her  into  measures,  inconsist- 
ent with  her  interests,  or  her  policy.     No  nation  ever  before 
made  such  sacrifices  of  the   present   to  the  future.      No  nation 
ever  built  her  greatness,  more  systematically,  on  the  principle  of 
a  haughty  self  respect,  which  yields    nothing   to  suggestions  of 
danger,- and  which  never  permits   cither  her  ability  or  inclina- 
tion to  maintain  her  rights,  to  be  suspected.     In  all  negotiations, 
therefore,   with  that  power,  it  may  be  taken  as  a  certain  truth, 
that  your  chance  of  faiiur>-  is  just  in  proportion  to  the  publicity 
and  obtrusiveness  of  threats  and  appeals  to  fear. 

The  American  cabinet  understand  all  tl»is  very  we!l,  al- 
though this  house  may  not.  Their  poUcy  is  founded  upon  it. 
The  project  of  this  bill  is  to  pilt  at  a  still  further  distance  the 
chance  of*  amicable  arrangement,  in  consequence  of  the  dispositions 
which  the  threat  uf  invasion  of  their  colonies,  and  attempt  to  exe- 
cute it,  will  excite  in  the  British  nation  and  ministry.  1  nave  some 
elaim  to  speak  concem'ng  the  policy  of  the  men,  who  constitute  the 
American  cabinet.  For  eight  years  I  have  studied  their  history, 
characters  and  interests.  J  know  no  reasons,  why  1  should  judge 
them  severely,  except  such  as  arise  from  those  inevitable  conclu- 
sions, which  avowed  principles  and  distinct  conduct  have  impress- 
ed upon  the  mind.      1  say  then,  sir,  without  hesitation,  that,  m  my 

Jgment,  the  embarrassment  of  our  relations  with  Great  Britain, 
and  keeping  alive,  between  this  country  and  that,  a  root  of  bitter- 
ness, has  been,  is,  and  will  continue  to  be,  a  main  principle  of  the 
policy  of  this  American  cabinet.  They  want  not  a  solid  settlement 
of  our  diiierenees  If  the  nation  will  support  them  in  it,  they  will 
persevere  in  the  present  war.  If  it  will  not,  some  general  arrange- 
ments will  be  the  resort,  which  will  Kave  open  oppr. amities  for 
discord,  which,  on  proper  occasions,  will  he  improved  by  them.  I 
shall  give  my  reasons  ror  this  opinion.      1  wish  no  sentimonts  of 


'4^ 


16 

mine  to  have  influence  atnj  farther,  than  the  reattonfi,  upon  which 
they  are  founried,  justify.    They  are  public  reasons,  arising  from 
undeniable  facts.     '  he  nation  will  judge  for  itself.        "  '  -'  •"   »-»  ■ 
The  men  who  now,  and  who,  for  these  twelve  years  past,  have, 
to  the  misfortune  of  this  country,  guided  its  councils,  and  directed 
its  destinies,  came  into  power  on  a  tide,  which  was  raised  and  sup' 
ported  by  elements,  constituted  of  British  prciudices,  and  British 
antipathies.      The  parties,  which  grew  up  in  this  nation,  took  their 
origin  and  form  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  the  treaty,  negociat- 
ed  by  Mr  Jay,  in  1794.     The  opposition  of  that  day,  of  which  the 
men  now  in  power  were  the  leaders,  availed  themselves,  very  dex- 
terously, of  the  relics  of  that  hatred  towards  the  British  name^ 
which  remained  after  the  revolutionary  war.     By  perpetually  blow- 
ing upon  the  embers  of  the  antient  passions,  they  excited  a  tlaine 
in  the  nation,  and  by  systematically  directing  it  against  the  hon- 
orable men,  who  at  that  time  conducted  its  affairs,  the  strength 
and  influence  of  those  men  were  impaired.     The  embarrassments 
with  France,  which  succeeded,  in  1798  and  1799,  were  turned  to 
the  same  account.     Uufortunately  those,  who  then  conducted  pub- 
lic affairs,  attended  less  to  the  appearances  of  things,  than  to  their 
natures  ;  and  considered  more  what  was  due  to  their  country,  than 
was  prudent  in  the  state  of  the  prejudices  and  jealousies  of  the 
people,  thus  artfully  excited  against  them.       They  went  on,  in 
the  course  they  deemed  right,  regardless  of  personal  consequences, 
and  blind  to  the  evidences  of  discontent,  which  surrounded  them. 
The  consequences  are  well  known.     The  supreme  power,  in  these 
United    States,  passed  into  the  hands  which  now  possess   it,  in 
which  it  has  been  continued  down  to  the  present  time.     This  trans- 
fer of  power  was  effected,  undeniably,  principally    on  the  very 
ground  of  these  prejudices  and  antipatJiies,  which  existed  in  the 
nation  against  Great  Britain,  and  which  had  been  artfully  foment- 
ed by  the  men  now  in  power,  and  their  adherents,  and  directed  a- 
gainst  their  predecessors.     These  prejudices  and  passions  consti- 
tute the  main  pillar  of  the  power  of  these  men       In  my  opinion^ 
they  never  will  permit  it  to  be  wholly  taken  away    from  them. 
They  never  will  permit  the  people  of  this  country  to  look  at  them 
and  their  political  opponents,  free  of  that  jaundice,  with  which 
they  have   carefully  imbued  the    vision  of  their  own  partisans. 
They  never  will  consent  to  be  weighed,  in  a  balance  of  mere  mer- 
its, but  will  always  take  care  to  keep  in  reserve  some  portion  of 
these  British  antipathies,  to  throw  as  a  make-weight  into  the  op- 
posite scale,  wlienever  they  find  their  own  sinking.     To  continue^ 
multiply,  strengthen  and  extend,  these  props  of  their  power,  has 
been  and  still  is  the  object  of  the  daily  study,  and  the  nightly  vii,-;- 
ils  of  our  American  cabinet.     For  this,  tue  British  treaty  was  per- 
mitted to  expire,  by  its  own  limitation  ;  notwithstanding  the  state 
of  things,  which  the  treaty  of  Amiens  had  produced  in  Europe, 
was  so  little  like  permanent  peace,  that  the  occurrence  of  the  fact, 
on  which  the  force  of  thai  limitation  depended,  might  easily  have 
been  questioned,  with  but  little  violence  to  the  terms,  and  in  per- 


I^i^t  coijformitv  >vith  itu  spirit.    For  Viu««  a  renewal  ©f  the  trfati 
of  t:94,  was  refused  by  our  cubino),  although  proft'ered  by  the  Bn.' 
tish  ijovemmcnt.    For  this,  (lie  treaty  of  1807,  negociated  by  M^ssr*. 
Monroe  and  Pintikuey,  was  rejetteil.     For  this,  in  1811,  fifty  thous- 
and dollars  were  paid  oql  of  the  public  Treasury,  to  John  Henry, 
for  the  obvious  puTjpose  of  e  tabling  the  American  cabinet,  t©  cal- 
iinmiate  their  political  opuq  icnts,  on  this  very  p<»int  of  British  in-!' 
f.ience,  upon  the  eve  of  elections,  occurring  m  Masyacl^utjet^,  oii' 
the  event  ui  which  t^    perpevuation  of  their  owp  power,  was  irnate^- ' 
rially  dependant.    Mr.  Speaker,  such  men  as  these,  never  will  per-' 
ipit  a  state  of  things  to  pass  away,  so  essential  to  their  influence. 
Be  it  peace,  ol-  war,  arrani|5ement,  or  hostility,  the  association  of 
these  British  antipathies,  in  the  minds  of  the  mass  of  the  commu-r 
rjity,  with  the  characters  of  the'r  political  opponents,  constitutes 
the  f^reat  magazine  of  their  po\yer.     This  composes  their  whole; 
political  larder.    It  is,  like  Lord  Peter's  brown  loaf,  their  "6««/-V 
mutton,  veau  t'enisnn,  partridge,  plumb-pudding  aiul  custard.^*  "'  ^ 

From  the  time  of  the  expiration  of  the  British  treaty  of  1704,  " 
and  the  refusal  to  renew  it,  the  American  cabinet  h^ve  been  care-  ^  ^ 
ful,  to  preeeede  negociation  with  some  circumstances,  or  qther,cal-  - 
eulatea  to  make  it  fail,  or  at  least  to  make  a  successful  result,  lesf 
certain.     Thus  in  1^06,  when,  from  the  plunder  of  our  commerce, 
liy  British  cruizers,  a  negociation,  notwitnstanding  the  obvious  re^ 
luctance  of  the  cabinet,  was  forced  upon  them,  by  the  clamours  of 
the  merchants,  the  non-importation  law  of  April,  in  that  year,  was 
qhstruded  between  the  two  countries!     In  the  course  of  the  debatei ' 
npon  that  law,  it  was  opposed  upon  this  very  ground,  that  it  was  aq 
•bstacle  to  a  successful  negociation.     It  was  advocated,  like  the 
bill,  now  under  discussion,  as  a,n  aid  to  successful  negociation*    It 
was  also  said  by  the  opponents  of  that  law  of  1806,  that  Great  Bri- 
t^^iu  would  not  negociate,  under  its  operation,  and  that  arrangement^ 
attempted  under  proper  auspices,  (!ould  not  be  difficult;  from   the' 
known  interests,  and  inclinations  of  that  nation*  What  was  the  eon- 
sequence.''  Precisely  that,  which  was  anticipated.    The,  then,  Pre- 
sidcnt  of  the  United  States,  was  necessitated  to  come  to  this  HousCf 
and  recommend  a  suspension,  of  tlie   operation  of  that  law,  nppii 
the  openly  avowed  ground,  of  its  being  expedient  to  give  ()iateyiV 
dii  nee,  of  a  conciliatory  disposition;  really  because,  if  permitted  to 
i';)ni:inue  in  operation,  negociation  was  found  to  be  impracticable. 
After  the  siKspension  of  that  l^w,  a  treaty  was  formed      The  merits 
of  that  treaty,  it  is  not  within  the  !»co])e  of  my  present  argument,  tQ 
discuss.      It  eufficient  to  say,  it  was  dcpnied  good  enousrh,  to  re- 
I  ceive  the  sanction  of  Messrs.  Monroe  and  Pit'ckney.     It  ip  arrive<f 
iu  Araeri«ja,  and  was  rejected  by  the  aathority  of  a  single  individn^I  i 
apparently  because  of  the  insufficiency  of  the  arrangement  abont'lm- 
pressment.  really,  because,  a  settlement  with  Great  P.ritain,  at  that 
time,  did  not  "enter  into  the  scope  of  the  policy,"  of  the  Americaii 
1  »'abinet.    The  negociation  was.  indeed,  renewed,  but  it  was.  follow- 
ipd  up  with  the   enforciment  of  tie  non-i  spoliation  law,  and  the  enr 
|4i^'ttnient  of  the  Embargo.  Both  wUicli  ateps  were  stated  at  th^  tim^} 


aidtey  proved  ai1terwftrd«,  to  be  of  a  nature  to  make  hopeless  sae- 
oesiiful  negoeiation.     ^^^ 

In  this  state  the  eWtfiit!v«'  power  of  this  nation  formally  past  in- 
to new  hands,  hut  8uh«tati1iu11y  remained  luuler  the  old  principles 
of  aetion,  and  sirbject  to  the  Airmer  influences.  It  uas  desirahle  that 
a'Aind  of  popularity  should  be  acquired  for  the  new  administration. 
Accordingly  an  arrangement  was  made  with  Mr.  Erskine,  and  no 
tfliestions  asked  coneerniiig  the  adequacy  of  his  powers.  But  lest 
tniii  eircuinstanee  should  Aot  defeat  the*  proposed  arrangement,  a 
elause  was  inserted,  in  the  eorrespondencc,  containing  an  insult  to 
the  British  government  oflcred  in  the  face  of  the  world,  such  as  no 
nian  ever  gave  to  a  private  individual,  whom  he  did  not  mean  to 
o^cnd.  The  President  o,  'he  United  States  said, in  so  many  words, 
t6  the  person  at  the  head  .  that  government,  that  he  did  not  under-, 
jstand  M'hat  belonged  to  his  own  honor,  as  well  as  it  was  un 
dfei^rtood  by  the  President  himfelf.  The  effect  of  such  languaga 
was  natural,  it  was  necessai-y  ;  it  could  not  but  render  the  British 
government  ajrerse  to  sanction  Erskine's  arrangement.  The  effect 
wits  anticipated  by  Mr.  Robert  Smith,  then  actiog  as  seeretair  of 
si&te.  fife  obj^etecl  to  its  being  inserted,  but  it  Avas  done  in  the  Pre- 
sident's 6wn  hittid  writing.  As  Mr.  Erskine's  atithority  was  denied 
1^  thS  British  government,  it  is  well  known  that,  in  feet,  on  the 
poiht  of  this  itidignity  the  fate  of  that  drrangement  turned.  Can 
ajiiy  drie  d6tibt  that  our  cabinet  meant  that  it  shonld  have  this  ef- 
f^CT?  t  seid  yoti  word,  Mr.  Speaker,  "  that  I  have  agreed  with  your 
"  Messtfn^et-.  knA  wish  yon  to  ratify  it.  I  think  you,  however,  no 
"  gtntteihan,  n6twithstanding,  and  that  you  do  not  understand,  as 
'^  w  \\  as  I,  what  is  due  to  your  own  honor  "-i-What  think  you,  sir  ? 
^ould  yoti  ratify  such  an  arrangement,  if  you  could  help  it?  Doe» 
a  pfdffer  of  settleittent,  connected  with  such  language,  look  like  a 
(KijpdBitiori,  or  ftn  intention,  to  conciliate  P  I  appeal  to  the  common 
sense  t)f  mankind,  on  the  point, 

T'he  whole  state  of  ther  "relations,  induced  between  this  country 
and  Great  Britain,  in  consequence  of  our  Embargo,  and  restrictive 
systems,  was,  in  fact,  a  standing  appeal  to  the  fears  of  the  British 
cabinet,  ti'or,  tiotmthstanding  those  systems  were  equal,  in  their 
tetnas,  so  far  as  they  affected  foreign  powers,  yet  their  operation 
wa.s.  notoriously,  almost,  wholly  upon  Great  Britain.  To  yield  t» 
that  pressure,  or  do  any  thing,  which  should  foster,  in  this  country, 
the  iaeathjlt  it  was  an  effectual  weapon  of  hostility,  was  nothing 
iiJiOre  than  conceding  that  she  was  dependant  upon  us.  A  concession, 
whiclfi,  when  once  made  by  her,  was  certain  1«  encourage  a  resort  to 
it  by  ug  on  every  occasion  of  dilfieulty  between  the  two  nations. 
ReasOi^ing,therefore,  upon  the  known  nature  of  things,  and  the  plain 
interests  of  Great  Britain,  it  was  foretold  that,  during  its  continu- 
aVice,  she  would  concede  nothing.  AVid  the  event  has  justified  those 
pVedietions.  But  the  circumstance,  the  most  striking,  and  that  fur- 
mshiilg  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  the  indisposition  of  the 
Ameriean  eafeiuet  to  peace,  and  thoir  determination  to  carry  015  the 
war,  is  that  connected  with  the  pretended  repeal  of  the  Fre  nch  de- 


41 

IT 

«reea,  in  November,  1810,  and  the  consequent  revival)  ii  1811,  «i^ 
•ur  rcHtrictive  8y«teiii  against  Great  Britain. 

11*  ever  a  body  of  men  were  pledged  to  any  thing,  the  American 
cabinet,  its  friends,  and  supporters,  were  pledged  for  the  trudi  of. 
this  tact,  that  the  French  decrees  of  Berlin  ana  Milan  were  defin- 
itively  repealed,  a*  it  resipects  tlie  United  States,  on  the  first  of 
November,  1810.  If  ever  any  body  of  men  staked  their  nholo 
stock  of  reputation  upon  any  point,  our  cabinet  did  it  on  this. 
They  and  their  partizans  asserted,  and  raved.  They  denounced 
every  man  as  a  British  partizan,  who  denied  it.  They  declared 
the  restrictive  systen  was  revived,  by  the  mereeflectof  the  proela^ 
mation.  But,  lest  the  courts  of  law  should  not  be  as  aubservient 
to  their  policy,  as  might  be  wished,  (hey  passed  the  law  of  th» 
Sd  March,  181 1,  upon  Uie  basis  of  this  repeal,  and  of  its  being  de- 
finitive. The  British  government  refused,  however,  to  recogniae 
the  validity  of  this  repeal ;  and  denied,  Uiut  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
deci'ees  were  repealed  on  the  i^st  Novenibcr,  ItilO,  as  our  cabinet 
asserted.  Thus,  then,  stoo<l  the  argument  between  the  British 
Ministry  and  our  cabinet.  The  British  Ministry  admitted,  thit, 
-if  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  were  repealed  on  the  1st  No- 
Tcniber,  1810,  they  ucre  bound  to  revoke  their  orders  in  council. 
But  they  denied  that  repeal  to  exist.  Our  cabinet,  on  the  other 
.liand,  admitted,  that,  if  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  were  not  re- 
pealed on  the  Ist  November,  1810,  the  restrictive  system  ought 
not  to  have  Ijcen  revived  against  Great  Britain.  But  they  asserted 
that  repeal  to  exist.  This  was,  virtually,  the  state  of  the  question, 
between  the  two  countries,  on  this  point.  And  it  is  agreed,  on  all 
hands,  that  tliis  refusal  of  the  Britisli  govenment  to  repeal  their 
orders  in  council,  after  <he  existence  of  the  repeal  of  the  Berlin  and 
Milan  decrees,  as  asserted  bvl:  he  American  cabinet,  was  the  cause 
of  the  declaration  of  war  between  the  two  countries.  So  that,  in 
iruth,  the  question  of  the  right  of  war  depended  upon  iheexistenct 
of  that  fact ;  fur  if  that  fact  did  not  exist,  even  the  American  cab- 
inet did  not  pretend  that,  in  the  position  in  which  things  then 
atuod,  they  ha!d  a  right  to  declare  war,  on  account  of  the  continu- 
ance of  the  British  orders  in  council. 

Now ,  what  is  the  trtith  iu  relation  to  this  all-important  fact, 
the  definitive  rqieal  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  on  the  1st 
November,  1810  ;  the  piVot  upon  which  turned  the  revival  of  the 
restrictive  system,  and  our  declaration  of  war  ?  Why,  sir.tlie  event 
has  proved,  that,  in  relation  to  that  fa(ft,  the  American  ealiri>et  was, 
to  say  the  least,  in  an  error.  Bonaparte  hhmelf^  in  a  decree^  dated 
the  28th  of  ^yril  1811,  fcwi  not  promulgated,  till  n  year  (fftericcmhy 
distinctly  declares  tftnt  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  were  not  defini- 
tively  repented,  as  relates  to  the  United-States,  on  the  irn.  J\'ftf.  1810. 
^e,  also,  declares  tlutt  they  are  then,  on  that  28th  of  Jpril,  for  the 
Ijirst  time  repealed.  Jtnd  he  founds  the  issuing  of  this  decree  on  the 
i,.i  of  the  Jlmerican  Coni^ress,of  the  2d  of  March  1811 ;  that  very 
'•act,  which  was  passed  upon  the  ^roimd  of  the  definitive  repeal  of  the 
ifierlin  and  Milan  dei-rees^Qn  the,  ist  JiTovemher.  1810  ;   and  wJiich^ 


!  Hi 


ft  is  agreed  on  all  nidesy  the  Jimerican.  jtwernmeni  were  Immd  jjf 
honor  not  to  pass,  except  in  case  of  such  anteceden  r^ea  U I 

Wore  ever  a  body  of  men  so  abandoned,  in  the  hour  of  need,  a< 
the  American  cabinet,  in  this  instance,  bv  Bonaparte  ?  W  as  evc^ 
anv  body  of  men  so  cruelly  wounded,  iti  the  houHc  of  their  friend? 
Tliitt^ — this  Has  '*  the  unkindest  cut  of  all  '^  But  how  was  it  re- 
ceivi^d  by  the  American  cabinet  ?  Hutelv,  they  were  indi^^naiit  at 
thii  treatment.  Hurely,  the  air  rin^s  with  reproaches  upon  a  niaiii 
who  lias  thus  made  them  lAakc  their  reputation  upon  a  falsehood  ) 
and  then  gi^  cs  little  less  than  the  lie  direct  to  their  assertions. 
No^  sir,  nothing  ulall  this  is  heard  front  our  cabinet.  There  is  a  phi- 
Iqsrrphic  taiAeness,  that  would  be  remarkable,  if  it  were  not,  in  all 
cases,  afTecting  Bonaparte,  characteristic.  All  the  executive  of  thb 
United  States  has  found  it  in  his  heart  to  say,  in  relation  to  this 
last  decree  of  Bonaparto,  which  contradicts  his  previous  allegations 
and  asseverations,  is,  that  '^  This  proceeding  is  rendered,  by  thb 
^  time  and  manner  of  it,  liable  to  many  objections'' ! ! ! 

i  have  referred  to  this  jubject  as  being,  connected  with  future 
teonduct,  strikingly  illustrative  6f  the  disposition  of  th6  American 
cabinet  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  of  their  intention,  if  possible,  not 
to  make  peace.  Surely,  if  any  nation  had  a  claim  for  liberal  treat* 
mcnt  iVom  another,  it  was  the  British  natiqn  from  the  American, 
after  the  discovery  of  the  error  of  the  Aitaericiin  g^vernnient,  in  re- 
lation to  the  repeal  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees^  in  November, 
1810.  Ift  consequence  of  that  error,  the  American  cabinet  had 
Vuined  ftumbers  of  otir  own  citizen^,  who  had  hcen  caught  by  the 
revival  of  the  non  inturcouri^e  law ;  they  had  revived  that  law  a- 
gaihst  Qrea^  Britain  unde%  circumstances,  which  now  appeared  to 
have  been  fallacious  ;  and  they  had  declared  war  against  her  ot» 
the  supposition,  that  she  h&d  i*eftiscd  to  repei^l  her  orders  in  coun- 
cil, ^tter  'the  French  decrees  'ivefe,  m  fact,  revoked ;  whereas,  it 
appears,  'that  they  were  in  fact  not  revoke^.      Surely  the 


HOW 


knowledge  of  this  error  was  followed  by  &n  instant,  and  anxious 
desire  to  redress  the  resulting  injury  As  the  British  orders  in  council 
were;in  fact,revoked,on  the  fcyowlp.d!;c  of  the  existence  of  the  French 
decree  of  repeal,  surely  the  American  cabinet,  at  once,  extended 
the  hand  of  fi*iendship,  met  the  British  government  half  way, 
stopped  all  furtlier  irritation,  and  strove'to  place  every  thing  on  a 
ha^iiA  best  suited  to  promote  an  amicable  adjustmeiit.  No,  sir, nothing 
of  4!1  this  occurred.  On  the  contrary,  the  question  of  impress- 
ments is  made  the  basis  of  continuing  the  war  On  thia  subject  a 
studied  fairness  of  proposition  is  preserved,  aceompaiiied  with  sys- 
tematic perseverance  in  measures  of  hostility.  An  armistice  was 
proposed  by  them.  It  M'as  refused  by  us.  It  was  acceded  to  by 
the  American  general  on  the  frontiers.  It  was  rejected  by  the 
'ftabihet.  No  consideration  of  the  false  allegation^  on  which  the 
war  in  fact  was  founded,  no  cdinsideration  of  the  critical  and  ex-- 
trernely  consequential  nature,  to  both  nations,  of  the  subject  of  im- 
pVessmentjilb  considerations  of  humanity, interposed  their  influence. 
rVey  rieneVeft  hostilities.    They  rashed  upotk  CauMft*    NothiiftK 


Would  latiafy  them  but  blood.    T)\&  language  of  thvij'  conducl  1^ 
That  of  the  giant,  in  the  legend*  uf  infancy. 

'-         Fee,  Fuw,  Fov/,  Pum,  * 

*'-'*'  ■  I  smell  tlie  blooU  of  an  Englishman, 
«^j«»Jl  .^.«'  Dead,  or  alive,  I  will  hare  •ome.  -^ 

Can  iueli  men  protend  that  peace  is  their  objeet  ?  Whatever  majr 
reHult,  the  perfect  conviction  of  my  mind  in,  that  ihcy  have  no  *uv% 
intentton,  and  that,  if  it  come,  it  is  contrary  both  tu  their  hope  and 
expectation.  ;,  "*  ^ 

1  would  not  judge  these  inert  nevercly.  But  it  w  mv  duty  to  en-v 
deavor  to  judge  them  truly ;  and  to  exptVH*,  feiirlessly,  the  retiuli 
uf  that  judgment,  whatever  it  may  he.  My  opinion  results  from 
the  application  of  the  Mell  known  principle  of  judging  eonccrning 
men's  purposes  and  motives ; — 2'o  cumider  rather  irnat  men  do^  than 
what  they  say  ; — JInd  to  examilte  their  deeds  fin  eonnei:!ion  with  pri- 
domiiiating  passions  and  interests  ;  and  on  this  basis  decide.  Ift 
making  an  estimate  of  the  intentions  of  these,  or  any  other  politi- 
cians, Imake  little,  or  no,  account  of  pacific  pretensions.  Tliere  in 
a  genera]  reluctance  at  war,  and  desire  of  peace,  which  pervades 
the  great  mass  of  every  people,  and  artful  rulers  could  never  keep 
any  nation  at  war,  any  length  of  time,  beyond  their  true  interests, 
without  some  sacrifice  to  that  general  love  of  peace,  which  exittk 
in  civilized  men.  Bonaparte  himself  will  tell  you,  that  he  is  th^ 
most  pacific  creature  in  the  world.  He  has  already  declared,  by 
his  proclamation  to  Frenchmen,  that  he  has  gone  to  Moscow  for  no 
other  end  than  to  etiltivhtc  petiffe,  and  counteract  the  Emperor  of 
Russia's  desire  of  war.  In  this  country,  where  the  popular  senti- 
ment has  so  strong  an  impulse  on  its  al&irs,  the  same  obtrusive 
pretension  must  ine^-itably  be  preserved.  No  man,  or  set  of  men, 
ever  can,  or  will  get  this  country  at  war,  or  continue  it  long  in  war, 
without  keeping  on  hand  a  stout,  round  stock  of  gulling  matter. 
Fair  propositions  will,  always,  be  madt^  to  go  hana  in  hand  with 
oftensive  acts.  And  when  something  fs  offered,  so  reasonable  that 
no  man  can  doubt  but  it  will  be  accepted,  at  the  same  moment 
something  will  be  done,  of  a  nature  to  embarrass  the  project,  and, 
if  not  to  defeat,  at  least  to  render  its  acceptance  dubious.  How 
this  has  been,  in  past  time,  I  have  shown.  I  will  now  illustrate, 
what  is  doing  aAd  intended,  at  present. 

As  from  the  uniform  tefior  of  tJie  conduct  of  the  American  cab- 
inet, in  relation  to  the  Bri^sh  government,  I  have  no  belief,  that 
their  intention  has  heffti  to  make  a  solid  arrangement  with  Iha't 
nation,  so,  from  the  evidence  of  their  disposition  and  intention,  ex- 
isting abroad,  and  on  the  table,  I  have  no  helief  that  such  is  at  pre- 
sent their  pifrpose.  1  cannot,  possibly,  think  otherwise,  than  thai: 
such  is  not  their  intention.  Let  us  take  the  case  into  common  life. 
I  have  detnands,  Mr.  Speaker,  against  yon,  very  just,  in  their  nn- 
.ture,  but  different,  some  of  recent,  others  of  very  old  date.  The 
former  depending  upon  principles,  vefv  clearly,  in  my  favor.  The 
latter  critical,  difficult,  and  dubious,  both  in  principle  and  settlcf- 
IhQB^,    la  this  folate  of  things,  and  during  your  absence,  I  watch  nrv 


I    i 


':>% 


I  -,i 


^poriuuily,  declare  ftliiiMty,  throw  myself  upon  yeur  ehildrciv 
and  Hervunts,  and  property,  which  happen  to  be  in  my  neighhour- 
liQud,  ami  do  them  all  the  injury  1  can.  While  1  am  doing  thm,  I 
receive  a  nicMenger  from  yon,  staling  that  the  grounds  of  the  re*- 
eent  injury  are  Hottiedj  that  you  comply  t'uUy  with  my  termH. 
Your  servants  and  children,  whom  1  am  plundering  and  killing,  in- 
vite me  to  slay  my  hand  until  you  return  ;  or  until  some  accommo- 
dation can  take  place  between  us.  But,  deal'  to  any  such  sujcges- 
iionS)  \  prosecute  my  intention  of  injury  to  the  utmost.  wTiuu 
there  in  reasun  to  cxpeet  your  return,  1  muUinly  my  means  of  inju- 
ry and  ott'cnce.  A  nd  no  sooner  do  1  hear  of  your  arrival,  than  1 
tnruftt  my  fist  into  your  face,  and  say  to  you,  "  Well,  sir,  here 
*<  are  fair  propositions  of  settlement.  Come  to  my  terms,  which 
**  are  very  just.  Settle  the  old  demand  in  my  way,  and  we  will 
<'  be  as  good  friends  as  ever."  Mr.  tipeaker,  what  would  be  your 
itnnduet  on  such  an  occasion  ?  Would  you  be  apt  to  look  as  much 
at  the  nature  of  the  propositions,  as  at  the  temper  of  the  atMailant  ? 
If  you  did  not,  at  once,  return  blow  for  blow,  and  injury  fur  iuiury* 
would  you  not,  at  least,  take  a  little  time  to  consider  ?  Would  you 
taot  tell  such  an  assailant,  that  you  were  not  to  be  bullied,  nw  beat- 
•n  into  any  concession  .^  if  you  settled  at  all,  mi^ht  you  not  «ou- 
tider  it  your  duty,  in  some  way  to  make  him  feel  the  oonsequenecs 
«f  his  strange  intemperance  of  passion?  For  myself,  1  have  uo 
question  how  a  man  of  spirit  ou^ht  to  act  under  such  circumstan- 
eei  I  have  as  little,  how  a  great  nation,  like  Great  Britain,  will 
act.  Now  I  have  uo  doubi,  sir,  that  the  American  cabinet  view 
this  subject  in  the  same  light.  They  understand  well,  that,  by  tliu 
declaration  of  war,  the  invasion  of  Canada,  the  refusal  of  an  urmi- 
Rtlc(>,  and  perseverance  in  hostilities,  after  the  principal  ground  of 
war  liad  been  removed,  they  have  wrought  the  niiml^  of  the  British 
cabinet  and  people  to  a  very  high  state  of  irritation.  Now  is  th<- 
vcry  moment  to  c;ot  up  some  grand  scheme  of  pacification  ;  such  as 
may  persuade  the  American  people  of  the  inveterate  love  of  our 
cabinet  for  peace,  and  make  them  acquiescent  in  their  per- 
■severance  in  hostilities.  Accordingly,  before  the  end  of  the 
session,  a  great  tub  will  be  thrown  out  to  the  ivhnli*. 
probably,  a  little  while  before  the  spring  elections,  terms  of  very  fair 
import  will  be  proffered  to  (ireat  Britain.  8uch  as,  perhaps,  six 
months  ago,  our  cabinet  would  not  have  granted,  had  slie  solicited 
them  on  her  knees.  Huch as, probablv,  in  the  opinion  of  the  peo- 
ple of  this  country,  Groat  Britain  ought  to  acoept ;  such,  perhaps, 
as,  in  any  other  state  of  things,  she  would  have  accepted. 
But  such,  as  I  fear,  under  the  irritation,  produced  by  the  strange 
course  pursued,  by  the  Amcricau  cabinet,  that  nation  will  not  af- 
cepf.  Sir,  I  do  not  believe^  that  our  cabinet  expect,  tliat  they  will 
be  accepted  They  think  the  present  state  of  induced  passion  is 
sutticiont  to  prevent  arrangement  But,  to  make  assur-inCe  doubly 
sure,  to  take  a  bond  of  fate,  that  arrangement  shall  not  happen, 
they  pre]»are  tJiis  bill  A  bill,  which  proposes  an  augmentation  oi 
the  army,  foi*  the  express  purpose  of  conquern^;  tlie  Canadas.  A 
bin.  whieb.  counectod  v.ith  the   reecnt  dispositson  evinced  by  oVt 


.4 


cabinet,  in  relation  to  thoae  proTincev,  mi<I  witb  the  arowf^  i»te«i 
of  making  their  jiibtugation  thp  rnpan*  of  jieaee,  throa|^h  (K«  fcar 
to  he  innpinMl  into  Great  Britain,  iit  aji  iflrnnive  to  the  pnde  of  that 
nation,  aM  can  well  be  imagined ;  and  ii,  in  my  apprheniion)  as  tar* 
a  guarantee  of  continued  war,  a*  could  be  given  On  these  grounds, 
my  mind  cannot  force  i<self  to  any  other  eonelosion  than  this,  that 
the  Avowed  object  ofthia  bill  is  the  true  one ;  that  the  Canadas  art 
to  be  invaded  the  ncit  season ;  that  the  war  is  to  be  protraeted ;  and 
that  this  is  the  real  policy  of  the  American  eahinet 

I  will  now  reply  to  tno«e  invitations  to  **  union,*^  which  hare 
been  so  obtrusively  urged  upon  us.  If  by  this  call  to  union  is 
meant,  an  union,  in  a  project  for  the  invasion  of  Canada,  or  for  the 
invasion  of  East  Florida,  or  foi*  the  conquest  of  any  foreign  coun- 
try whatever,  cither  as  a  means  of  carrying  ou  tliis  war,  or  for  any 
elnrr  purpose,  I  answer  distinctly  ;-*•!  will  unite  with  no  man,  nor 
any  body  of  men,  for  any  such  purposej.  I  think  such  projects 
rrlminal,  in  the  highest  (Irgree,  and  ruinous  to  the  prosperity  of 
these  stales  But,  if  by  this  invitation  is  meant  union,  in  prepar- 
ation for  def^nce,*strictly  so  called ;  nnion,  in  fortifying  our  sea 
board  $  union,  in  nutting  our  cities  into  a  state  of  safety ;  union,  in 
raising  such  a  military  force  as  shall  be  sufficient,  with  the  local 
militia,  ill  the  hands,  of  the  constitutional  leaders,  the  execntives  of 
the  «tate9,*to  ^ve  a  rational  degree  of  security,  against  any  inva- 
sion, sufficient  to  defend  our  frontiers,  sufficient  to  awe  into  silenea 
the  Indian  tribes,  within  our  territories  ;  union,  in  creating  such  a 
maritime  force,  as  shnll  command  the  seas,  on  the  American  coasts, 
and  keep  open  the  intercourse,  at  least  between  the  states:—- if  this 
is  meant,  1  have  no  hesitation  ;  union,  on  such  principles,  you  shall 
have  from  me,  cordially*  and  faithfully  —And  this,  too,  Mir,  with- 
•ut  any  referer^^e  to  the  state  of  my  opinion,  in  relation  to  the  jus- 
tice, or  the  nece^isity  of  this  war.  Because,  I  well  understand,  suck 
to  be  the  condition  of  man.  in  a  social  compact,  that  he  must  par- 
take of  the  fate  of  the  society,  to  whiah  he  belongs,  and  must  sub- 
mit to  the  privations  and  sacrifices,  its*  defence  requires,  notwith- 
•tandins;  these  may  be  the  n'snlt  of  the  vices,  or  crimes,  of  its  im- 
mediate rulers.  But  there  is  a  great  difference  between  support- 
ing such  miers  in  plans  of  necessary  self-<lefence,  on  which  the 
safety  of  our  altars  and  fire-sides  essentially  depends,  and  sup- 
port ins;  them  in  projects  of  foreign  invasion,  and  encouraging  them 
m  'schemes  of  conquest  and  ambition,  which  are  not  only  unjust  in 
themselves,  but  dreadful  in  their  consequences ;  inasmuch  as,  let 
the  particular  project  result  as  it  may.  the  general  cft'cct  must  l>e, 
according  to  human  view,  destrnctive  to  our  own  domestic  liberties 
and  constitntinn.  I  sneak  as  an  individual.  Sir,  for  my  single 
self,  did  I  support  such  projects,  as  are  avowed  to  be  the  objects  of 
this  bill,  T  should  deem  myself  a  traitor  to  my  country.  Were  I 
even  to  aid  them,  by  loan,  or  in  any  other  way,  I  should  consider 
myself  a  partaker  in  the  guilt  of  tbe  purpose.  But,  when  thene 
projects  of  invasion  shall  be  abandoned ;  when  men  yield  up  8chem<'>», 
which,  not  only  openly  eoufemplate  the  raising  of  a  great  military 


Sii 


Hi 


i  ^i 


|»reef  but  also  the  eoncentrating  them  at  one  point,  and  placing 
them  in  oi^e  hand ;  schemes  odviouKly,  ruinous  to  the  fates  of  a  free 
republic,  as  tibey  comprehend  the  means,  by  which  such  have  ever^ 
heretofore,  been  destroyed  ;'-when,  I  sav,  such  schemes  shall  be 
abandoned,  and  the  wishes  of  the  cabinet  limited  to  mere  defence, 
|uid  frontier  and  maritime  protection,  there  will  be  no  need  of  calU 
to  union.  For  such  objects  there  is,  not^  there  cannot  be,  but  one 
heart  and  soul  in  this  people. 

i  know,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  while  I  utter  these  things,  a  thou-  . 
sand  tongues,  and  a  thousand  pens,  arc  prc^jaring,  without 
doors,  to  overwhelm  me,  if  possible,  by  their  pestiferous  gall. 
Already,  I  hear,  in  the  air,  the  sound  of — "  traitor^* — .«  JSriitsh 
agent**-— *^  British  goldy' — and  all  those  charges  of  vulgar  cal- 
umny, by  which  the  imaginations  of  the  mass  of  men,  are  af- 
fected ;  and  by  which  they  are  prevented,  from  listening  t« 
what  is  I  ue,  and  receiving  what  is  reasonable. 

Mr  Speaker j  it  well  becomes  any  man,  standing  in  the 
presence  of  such  a  nation  as  this,  to  speak  of  himself  seldom ; 
and  such  a  map  as  I  am,  it  becomes  to  speak  of  himself,  not  at 
all  ;  except,  in4eed,  when  the  relations,  in  which  he  stands  to 
his  country,  are  little  knqwn,  and  when  the  assertion  of  those 
relations,  has  some  connexion,  and  may  have  some  influence, 
•n  interests,  which  it  i>  Ke9uUady  ^cum  bpnt  up,on     '^  X*. 

support-  ,iji    v>,  J  .,-iJ'S,llli.;.r  .tii   .■.>l.-.,  ■■*       u  ,';        »i.i  ^  J.j.iiMit   .'^'V      .  .  ;iw.  '^y-ii  ,.•      ,*tiU\if 

Under  this  sanction,!  say, — it  is  not  for  a  man,  whose  ant^s- 
tora  have  been  planted,  in  this   country,  now,   for  almost  tw* . 
centuries  ;  it  is  not  for  a  man,  who  has  a  family,  and  friends, 
and  character,  and  children,  and  a  deep  stake  in  the  soil  ;  it  is 
not  for  a  man,  who  is  self-conscious   of  being  rooted  in  that 
soil,  as  deeply,  and  as  exclusively,  as  the  oak,   which   shoots 
among  its  rocks  ;  it  is  not  for  such  a  man  to  hesitate,  or  swerve  , 
a  hair's  breadth  from  his  country's  purpose,  and  true  interests, 
because  of  the  yelpings,   the  bowlings,  and   snarlings  of  that 
hungry  pack,  which,  corrupt  men,  keep,  directly,  or  indirectly, 
in  pay,  with  the   view  of  hunting  down  every  man,  who    dare 
develope  their  purposes  ;  a  pack,  composed,  it  is  trije,  ot  some 
native  curs,  but  for  the  most  part,   of  hounds   and  spaniels,  ol 
very  recent  importation,  whosv  backs  are  beared  by  the  lash  ; 
and  whos;  necks  are  sore,   with   the    collars,  of  their  former? 
masters.     In  fulfulUng  his  duty,  the  lover  of  his  country,  must 
often  be  obliged  to  breast  the  shock  of  calumny.     If  called  to 
that  service,    he  will  meet   the  exigency,  with  the  same  firm-^ 
ness,  as,  should  another  occasion  call,  he  would  breast  the  shock 
of  battle.     No,  sir,  I  am  not  to  be  deterred  by  such  appreiien- 
sions.     May  heaven  so  deal  with  me,  and  mine,  as  I  am  true, 
ar  faithless,  to  the  best  interests  of  this  people  !  May  it  deal 
with  me,  according  to  its  just  judgments,  when  I  fail  to  brin.q; 
men  and  measures,  to   the   bar  of  public  opinion;  and  to  ex-, 
pose,  projects  and  systems  of  policy,  which  I  realize  to  be  ru- 
inous to  the  peace,  prosperity,  and  liberties  qf  my  country  !      -l 


I 


■V, 


mm. 


•I'^-JJ^,- ,?',■■: 


4^ 

$5 

This  leadsi  me,  naturally,  to  the  third  and  last  point  of  Tie#, 
ftt  wliich  I  proposed  to  consider  this  bill ;  as  a  meana  for  the 
advancement  ^f  the  objects  of  the  fiersonalj  or  local  ambitian 
qf  the  members  of  the  AmeiHran  cabinet.  With  respect  to  the 
members  of /that  cabinet,  I  may,  almost]  literally,  say,  I  knoW 
nothing  of  them,  except  as  public  men.  Against  them,  I  have 
no  personal  animosity.  I  know  little  of  rhem,  in  private  life ; 
and  that  little  never  made  me  ambitious  to  know  more.  I 
look  at  them  as  public  men,  wielding  powers,  and  putting  in 
operation  means  and  instruments,  materially  affecting  the  in- 
terests and  prospects  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  a  curious  fact,  but  no  less  true  than  curious,  that  for 
these  twelve  years  past,  the  whole  affairs  of  this  counti7  have 
been  managed,  and  its  fortunes  reversed,  under  the  infiueace 
of  a  cabinet,  little  less  than  despotic,  composed,  to  all  efficient 
purposes,  of  two  Virginians  and  a  foreigner.  When  I  speak 
of  these  men,  as  Virginians,  I  mean  v"  cast  no  odium  Upon 
that  state,  as  though  it  were  not  entitled  to  its  full  share  of  in- 
fluence in  the  national  councils  ;  nor  when  I  refer  to  one  of 
them,  as  being  a  foreigner,  do  I  intend,  thereby,  to  suggest  any 
connexions  of  a  nature,  unworthy,  or  suspicious.  1  refer  to 
these  circumstances,  as  general  and  undoubted  facts,  which 
belong  to  the  characters  of  the  cabinet,  and  which  cannot  fail 
to  be  taken  into  view  in  all  estimates  of  plans  and  projects, 
80  long  as  man  is  constituted  as  he  is,  and  so  long  as  the  pre- 
judices and  principles  of  childhood  never  fail  to  influence,  in 
different  degrees,  in  even  the  best  meO}  the  courseof  thinking 
and  action  of  their  riper  years.        '*'"     ^ 

1  might  have  said,  perhaps,  with  more  strict  propriety,  that 
it  was  a  cabinet  composed  of  three  Virginians  and  a  foreigner  ; 
because,  once,  in  the  course  of  the  twelve  years,  there  has  been 
a  change  of  one  of  the  characters.  Cut,  sir,  that  change  was, 
notoriously,  matter  of  form  rather  than  substance.  As  it  re- 
spects the  cabinet,  the  principles  continued  the  same  ;  the  in- 
terests the  same  ;  the  objects,  at  which  it  aimed,  the  same. 

I  said  that  this  cabinet  had  been,  during  these  twelve  years, 
little  less  than  despotic.  This  fact,  also,  is  notorious.  During 
this  whole  period,  the  measures,  distinctly  recommended,  have 
been  adopted  by  the  two  houses  of  Congress,  with  as  much 
uniformity  and  with  as  little  modification,  too,  as  the  measures 
of  the  British  ministry  have  been  adopted,  during  the  same  pe- 
riod, by  the  British  parliament.  The  connection  between  cab- 
inet councils  and  parliamentary  acts  is  just  as  intimate,  in  the 
one  country,  as  in  the  other. 

I  3u.id  that  these  three  men  constituted,  to  all  efficient  pur- 
poses, the  whole  cabinet.  This,  also,  is  notorious.  It  is  true, 
that,  during  this  period,  other  individuals  have  been  called  in- 
to the  cabinet.  But  they  were  all  of  them,  comparatively,  mi- 
nor men  ;  such  as  had  no  gr^^at  weight,  either  of  personal  tal- 
ttnts,  or  of  personal  influence,  to  support  them.  They  were 
D 


26 

Icpt  as  instruments  of  the  master  spirits.  And  when  thef 
failed  to  answer  the  purpose,  or  became  restiTe^  they  were 
sacrificed,  or  provided  for  The  shades  were  made  to  play 
upon  the  curtain.  They  entered  They  bowed  to  the  audi- 
ence. They  did  what  they  were  bidden.  They  said  what  was 
set  down  for  them.  When  those  who  pulled  the  wires  saw 
''it,  they  passed  away.  No  man  knew  why  they  entered.  No 
man  knew  why  they  departed.  No  man  could  tell  whence 
they  came.     No  man  asked  whither  they  were  gone. 

From  this   uniform  composition  of  the  cabinet,  it  is  obvious 
that  the   project  of  the  master  spirits  was  that  of  essential  in- 
fluence within  the  cabinet.     For,  in  such  a  country  as  ours,  so 
extended,  and  its  interests  so  implicated,  it  is   impossible  but 
those  who  would   coiiduct  its  affairs  wisely,  and  with  a  single 
eye  to  the  public  good,  should  strive  to  call  around  themselves, 
the  highest  and  most  independent  talents   in  the   nation  ;  at 
least  of  their  own  political  friends.    When  this  is  not  the  case^ 
it  must  be  apparent,  that  the  leading  influences  want  not  as- 
sociates, but  instruments.     The  same  principle  applies  to  the 
distribution  of  ofiice,  out  of  the   cabinet,  as  to   filling  places 
within  it.     Some  mistakes  may  be  expected  to  happen,  in  se- 
lections  among   candidates    for  appointments    r.t  a  distance. 
But,  if  at  any  time  a  cabinet  shall  be  systematically  guided,  in 
such  selection,  by  a  regard  not  to  merit,  or  qualifications,  but 
to  electioneering  services  ;  if  the  obvious  design  be  to  reward 
partizans,  and  encourage  defection  to  its  party   standard,  then 
the  people  may  rest  assured,  that  the  project  such  cabinet  has 
in  view,  is,  not  to  serve  the  public  interest,  but  to  secure  their 
personal  influence  ;  and  that  they  want,  not   competency  for 
the  employment,  but  subserviency  in  it.     How  this  matter  is,  I 
shall  not  assert  ;  not  because  I  have  not  very  distinct  opinions 
upon  the   subject ;  but   because  the  sphere  of  appointment  is 
too  extensive  to  be  con  prehended,in  the  grasp  of  a  single  in- 
dividual ;  and  I  mean   to  make  no  assertion,  concerning  mo- 
tive or  conduct,  of  which    there  does   not  exist,  in   my  mindy 
evidence  as  well  complete,  as  conclusive.     I  refer  to  this  sub- 
ject, therefore,  only  as  a   collateral  and  corroborative  proof  of 
the  purpose  i  of  the  cabinet.     Every  man  can  decide  for  him- 
self, in  his  own   circle,  or  neighbourhood,  concerning  the  ap- 
parent principle,   upon   which    the  cabinet  have  proceeded,  in 
making    appointments ;    remembering,  always,  that  the   sec- 
tion of  country,  against    whose   prosperity  the   policy  of  the 
cabinet  is,  most  systematically,  levelled,  will  be  that,  in  which 
subserviency  to  all  its    purposes   will  be,  most  studiously,  in- 
culcated among  its  adherents.      It  will  be  in  that  quarter,  that 
the  flames  of  party  animosity  will  be  enkindled,  with  the  most 
,  sedulous  assiduity,  as  the  means  of  making  men  forgetful  of 
their  true  interests,  and  obedient  to  their  employers,  in  spite 
cf  their  natural  prejudices  and  inclinations. 

It  is   natural  to  inquire,  what  are  the  projects  connected 


ts^ 


iJ 


t 


27 


:onnccted 


with  a  eabtnet,  thus  composed,  and  to  what  ends  it  is  advan« 
cing.  To  answer  this  question,  it  is  necessary  to  look  into  the 
nature  and  relations  of  things.  Here  the  true  critcrions  of 
judgment  are  to  be  found,  Professions  arc,  always,  plausible. 
Why,  sir,  Bonaparte,  himself,  is  the  very  milk  of  human  kind- 
ness ;  he  is  the  greatest  lover  of  his  species  in  the  world  ;  ho 
would  not  hurt  a  sparrow,  if  you  take  his  own  account  of  the 
matter.  What,  then,  do  nature,  and  the  relations  of  things 
leach  ?  They  teach  this,  that  the  great  hazard, 'Sn  a  govern- 
ment where  the  chief  Mag'  Piracy  is  elective,  is  from  the  local 
ambition  ofntatet^  and  the  fieraonal  ambition  of  individuals.  It 
is  no  reflection  upon  any  state,  to  say,  it  is  ambitious.  According 
to  their  opportunities  "nd  temptations,  all  states  are  ambitious. 
This  quality  Is  as  much  predicuble  of  states,  as  of  individuals. 
Indeed  state  ambition  has  its  root  in  the  same  passions  of  human 
nature,  and  derives  its  strength  from  the  same  nutriment,  as 
personal  ambition.  All  history  shows,  that  such  passions  al- 
ways exist  among  states,  combined  in  confederacies.  To  de- 
ny it,  is  to  deceive  ourselves.  It  has  existed,  it  does  ex- 
ist, and  always  must  exist.  In  our  political  relations,  as  in 
our  personal,  we  then  walk  most  safely,  when  we  walk  with 
reference  to  the  actual  existence  of  thing^s  ;  admit  the  weak- 
nesses, and  do  not  hide  from  ourselves  the  dangers,  to  which 
our  nature  is  exposed.  Whatever  is  true,  let  us  confess. 
Nations,  as  well  as  individuals,  are  only  safe,  in  proportion  as 
they  attain  aelf-knonvledi^e^  and   regulate  their  conduct  by  it. 

What  fact,  upon  this  point,  does  our  own  experience  pre- 
sent ?  It  presents  this  striking  one  ; — that,  taking  the  years, 
for  which  the  Presidential  chair  is  already  filled,  into  the  ac- 
count, out  of  twenty  eight  years,  since  our  constitution  wa*  es' 
tablished,  the  single  state  of  Virginia  has  furnished  the  Presi- 
dent for  twenty  four  years.  And,  farther,  it  is  now  as  distinct- 
ly known,  and  familiarly  talked  about,  in  this  city  and  vicinity, 
who  is  the  destined  successor  of  the  present  Prf^sidcnt,  after 
the  expiration  of  his  ensuing  term,  and  known,  lu..  he,  too,  is 
to  be  a  Virginian,  as  it  was  known  and  familiarly  talked  about, 
during  the  Presidency  of  Mr,  Jefferson,  that  the  present  Presi- 
dent was  to  be  his  successor.  And  the  former  was,  and  tlie 
latter  is,  a  subject  of  as  much  notoriety,  and,  to  human  appear- 
ance, of  as  much  certainty  too,  as  who  will  be  the  successor 
to  the  British  crown,  is  a  matter  of  notoriety  in  that  country. 
To  secure  this  succession  and  keep  it  in  the  destined  line, 
has  been,  isj  and  will  continue  to  be,  the  main  object  of  the 
policy  of  these  men.  This  is  the  /loinc,  on  which  the  jirojfCtH 
of  the  cabinet  for  the  three  years  fiast  have  ocen  brought  to 
bears'—that  James  the  Jirat  should  be  made  to  continue  four 
years  longer,  jlnd  this  is  the  fitint,  on  which  the  firojccts  ff 
the  cabinet  %tfHl  be  brought  to  bear  for  the  three  years  to  come-- 
that  James  the  second  shall  be  made  to  succeed,  according  to  thf 
fundamental  rescrijiltt  of  the  Monticellian  dynasty. 

>    »♦— — 


^M^ 


Mr.  Quincy  vras,  here^  again  called  to  order.  The  Speaker' 
saidf  that  really  the  gentletiian  laid  his  premises  so  remote 
from  his  conclusions,  that  he  could  not  see  how  his  observations 
applied  to  the  bill.  ,  ,- 

Mr.  Quincy  proceeded.  On  the  contrary,  sir,  I  maintain 
that  both  my  premises  and  conclusions,  are  very  proximate  to 
each  other ;  and  intimately  connected  with  the  bill  on  the  ta- 
ble ;  and  with  the  welfare  of  this  people,     f^  '  •  ^■^^::mu% 

Is  it  not  within  the  scope  of  just  debate  to  show,  that  the 
general  policy  of  the  cabinet,  and  that  also  this  particular  pro- 
ject have  for  their  object  the  aggrandizement  of  the  cabinet 
themselves ;  or  some  member  of  it  f  If  this  be  the  object  of 
the  bill,  is  it  not  proper  to  be  exhibited  ?  The  topic  may  be  of 
a  nature,  high  and  critical  but  no  man  can  deny,  that  it  is  both 
important  and  relevant.  To  secure  the  power  they  at  present 
possess,  to  perpetuate  it  in  their  own  hn.nds,  and  to  transfer 
it  to  their  selected  favourites,  is  the  great  project  of  the  pcli- 
^  cy  of  the  members  of  our  cabinet.  It  would  be  easy  to  trace 
to  this  master  passion  the  declaration  of  war,  at  the  time,  and 
under  the  circumstances,  in  which  it  occurred.  Antecedent 
to  the  declaration  of  war,  it  was  distinctly  stated,  by  individuals 
from  that  quarter  of  the  country,  under  the  influences  of  which 
this  war  was  adopted,  that  the  su/i/iort  of  the  fireaent  President 
qf  the  United  States^  by  their  quarter  of  the  country^  de/iended 
upon  the  fact  of  the  cabinet's  coming  up  to  the  point  of  xoar 
ivith  Great  Britain.  This  state  of  things,  and  the  knowledge 
of  it  by  the  members  of  the  cabinet,  was,  repeatedly?  urged, 
in  conversation,  by  members  of  this  and  the  other  branch  of 
the  Legislature,  to  shake  the  incredulity,  in  a  declaration  of 
war,  which  at  that  time  existed  in  some  of  our  minds.  With» 
out  placing  any  reliance  on  the  reports  •*{  that  day,  this  1  as- 
sert, unequivocaijy,  and  without  fear  of  contradiction,  that  such 
were  the  passions,  which  existed  in  the  southern  and  western 
Btates,  and  such  the  avowed  determinatioij  to  war,  that  had  not 
the  cabinet  come  up  to  that  point,  its  influence,  in  those  quar-< 
^  ters,  was  at  an  end.  Without  their  support,  the  re-election  of 
the  present  Chief  Magistrate  was  hopeless.  Now,  sir,  when 
continuance  of  power  is  put  into  the  scale,  as,  in  this  instance^ 
it  was,  unquestionably,  it  is  not  for  human  nature  to  deny,  that 
it  hud  not  a  material  influence  in  determining  the  balance.  For 
myself,  I  have  never  had  but  one  opinion  on  this  matter,  I  have 
never  doubted  that  we  should  not  have  had  war  declared,  at 
the  last  session,  if  the  Presidential  election  hnd  not  been  dcr 
j)ending. 

Just  so,  with  respect  to  the  invasion  of  Canada.  It  was,  in 
my  judgment,  a  test,  required  by  the  state  of  opinion,  in  the 
boulhtin  and  western  states,  of  the  sincerity  of  the  cabinet  j 
and  of  its  heartiness  in  the  prosecution  of  this  war.  Tiiis  ac- 
counts for  tlie  strange  and  heudlong  husie,  and  the  want  oi  suf- 
ficient preparation,  with  which  the  invasion  was   pxpedited. 


29 


This  accounts  for  the  neglect  to  meet  the  propoBitlon  for  an 
armistice  when  made  by  the  Governor  of  Cunaclat  after  a 
knowledge  of  the  revocation  of  the  orders  in  council.  This 
accounts  for  the  obtrusive  attempts  to  gain  a  footin,;  in  Cana- 
da, and  the  obstinate  perseverance  in  the  show  ;f  invasion, 
until  the  members  of  the  electoral  colleges  had  been  dcBnitive- 
\y  selected  ;  since  which  event,  our  armies  have  been  quiet 
enougii.  When  I  see  a  direct  dependence  between  the  per- 
petuation of  power  in  any  hand,  and  the  adoption  of,  and  the 
perseverance  in,  any  particular  course  of  measures,  I  cannot 
refrain  from  believing  that  such  a  course  has  been  suggested 
and  regulated  by  so  obvious  and  weighty  an  interest.  This 
subject  is  capable  of  murh  greater  elucidation.  But,  accord- 
ing to  your  suggestion,  sir,  1  shall  confine  myself  to  trace  <he 
connection  of  the  master  passion  of  tlie  cabinet  with  the  bill 
now  under  consideration. 

,..   The  projects  of  the  cabinet,  for  the  present  year,  are  loans, 
to  the  amount,  at  least,  of  twenty  millions ;  an   army  of  fifty 
five  tliousand  men  ;  a  grand  scheme  of  pacification  founded  on 
some  legislative  acts,  or  resolves  ;    and  a  perpetuation  of  the 
war.     The  loans  are  expected  to  be  filled,  partly  from  the  pop- 
ularity derived,  in  the  commercial  cities,  by  the  vote  for  build- 
ing seventy-fours  ;  partly  by  opening  offices,  for  receiving  sub- 
scriptions in  the  interior.     Whatever  is  received  will  be  di- 
verted to  the  army  service.     The  grand  scheme  of  pacification 
will  be  made  to  appear  very  fair,  in  terms,  but,  in  the  state  of 
irritation,  which  has  been  produced  in  Great  Britain,  by  the 
continuance  of  the  war,  after  the  repeal  of  the  orders  in  coun- 
cil, and  by  the  pertinacious  perseverance,  in  the  threats  and 
preparation  to  invade  Canada,  will,  it  is  expected,  be  rejected 
by  her.     This,  it  is  supposed,  will  give  popularity  to  the  war. 
in  this  country.     The  forty  dollars  bounty  will,  it  is  hoped,  fill 
the  ranks.     The  army,  for  the  conquest  of  Canada,  will  be 
raised,    to  be    commanded    by  whom  ?  This   is    the    critical 
question.    The  answer  is  in  every  man's  mouth.    By  a  member 
q/'  the  Jtmerican  cabinet  ;  by  one  of  the  three  }-—by  one  of  that- 
"  trio  i"-—who  at  this  moment  constitute  infacty  t  nd  who^  effi- 
cietitliji  have  always   constitutedy   the  whole  cabinet.     And   the 
man,  who  is  thus  intended  for  the  command  of  the  greatest  ar- 
my  this  new  world  ever  contained,  an  &.rmy,  nearly  twice  as 
great  as  was,  at  any  time,  the  regular  army   of  our  revolution, 
I  say,  the  man,  who  is  intended  for  this  great  trust,  is  the  inai- 
vidualy  who  t«,  notorioualyy  the  selected  candidate  for  the  ttext 
Presidency. 

Mr.  Speaker,  when  I  assert  that  the  present  Secretary  of  State, 
who  is  now  acting  Secretary  of  War,  is  destined,  by  a  cabinet, 
of  which  he  himself  constitutes  one  third,  for  the  command  of 
this  army,  I  know  that  I  assert  intentions  to  exist,  which  have 
not  yet  developed  themselves  by  an  official  avowal.  The  truth 
is,  the  moment  for  an  ofiiciul  avowa  has  not  yet  come.  The 
Cabinet  must  work  along  by  degrees,  and  only  shew  their  cards 


mmmm 


I 


i. 


!!> 


-•■   ■  1  V . 


»^. 


■■'■    ^. 


30 


,/*- 


as  they  play  thcra.    The  army  must,  first,  be  authoriEed.  The 
bill  for  the  new  Major  Generals  must  be  passedt      Then,  upon 
their  plan,  it  will  be  found  necessary  to  constitute  a  Lieuten- 
ar.t  General.     "And  who  so  proper,"  the  cabinet  will  exclaim^ 
"  as  one  of  ourselves  ?"    "  And,  who  so  proper  as  one  of  the. 
cabinct  ?'*  all  its  retainers  will  respond  from  one  end  of  the 
continent  to  the  other.     I  would,  M'illingly,  have  postponed  any 
animadversion  upon  this  intention  of  t^"»  cabinet,  until  it  should 
have  been  avowed.     But,  then,  it  would  have   been  too  late.. 
Then,  the  fifty  thousand  men  would  have  been  authorised,  and 
the  necessity,  for  a  Lieutcnant-General,  inevitable.   Sir,  I  know 
very  well,  that  this  public  animadversion  may,  possibly,  stag-^' 
ger  the  cabinet  in  its  purpose.     They  may  not  like  to  proceed 
in  tlie  design,  after  the  public  eye  has  been  directed,  distinctly,, 
upon  it.     And  the  existence  of  it  will  be  denied,  and  its  parti- 
zans  will  assert  that  this  suggestion  was  mere  surmise.     Be  it 
so.     It  is,  comparatively,  of  little  importance,  what  happens  to 
my  person  or  character,  provided  this  great  evil  can  be  averted 
from  my  country.     I  consider  the  raising  such  an  army  as  this, 
and  the  putting  it  under  the  command  of  that  individual,  takings 
into  view  his  connection  with  the  present  cabinet,  so  ominous 
to  the  liberties  of  this  country,  that  I  am  not  anxious  what  hap- 
pens to  me,  if  by  any  constitutional  responsibility  I  can  pre* 
vent  it.  •.^v.ri-c:...-'%  .r.L.1'1^' *v,,.  •    ••  vW  ;;:Vi*.> 

However,  to  the  end  that  it  may  not  be  thought  I  have  madi^ 
this  assertion  lightly,  I  will,  briefly,  state  the  evidence,   upon'i 
which  it  is  founded,  and  which,  to   my  mind,  has  given  perfect 
satisfaction  of  the  intentions  of  the  cabinet. 

First.     As  long  ago  as  last  June,   it  was,  to  my  knowledge, 
asserted  by  individuals,  connected  with   the   administration,  in 
this  and  the  other  branch  of  the  legislature,  that  it  was  the  in- 
tention of  the  American  cabinet  to  place  the  Secretary  of  State  ^ 
at  the  head  of  the  army.  ; 

S(  cond.  This  intention  was,  early  in  the  present  session, 
distinctly  avowed  by  members,  in  this  and  the  other  branch  of 
the  legislature,  to  l)e  the  intention  of  the  cabinet.  And  these 
members,  were  persons  intimate  with  the  cabinet,  a^d  connect- 
ed with  them  in  politics  ;  and  of  all  men,  the  most  likely  to 
know  their  intentions. — This  can  be  proved,  if  denied.  But  it. 
will  not  be.  I  do  not  believe  there  is  a  man  on  this  floor,  who 
is  not  acquainted  with  the  fact,  as  well  as  myself. 

Third.     As  soon  as  the  session  opened,  the  old  Secretary  at 
Avar  was  hunted  down. 

Fouith.  The  burden  of  the  whole  department  of  war  is,  now, 
transferred  to  the  shoulders  of  .the  Secretary  of  State.  This 
great  and  oppressive  trust,  which,  at  the  last  session,  it  was 
seriously  urged,  no  single,  living  wight  could  bear,  but  that 
it  required  three  fiersons  to  support  its  pressure,  is,  now,  oastr 
solely  upon  this  individual,  who,  it  seems,  is  able  to  uphold 
the  mighty  mountain  of  that  department  in  one  hand,  while  he 
balances  the  department  of  state  in  the  other. 


■*■ 


-V 


MPP 


W^^^i^^ 


^ 


31 


Fifth.  The  Secretary  of  State  has  not,  merely,  entered  into 
«  still  life  possession  of  the  department  of  war.  He  is  active* 
ly  employed  in  arrcniging  its  details,  and  putting  it  into  a  state 
of  preparation.  This  work  of  drudgery,  it  can  hardly  be  ex- 
pected, that  any  man  would  undertake,  for  the  sake  of  an  un- 
known successor,  unless  he  had,  himself,  some  prospect  of  inter* 
est  in  it. 

Sixth.  The  Secretary  of  State  is  no  sooner  in  procession  of 
the  department  of  war,  than  the  plan  of  a  great  army,  an  effi- 
cient pecuniary  bounty,  and  a  brilliant  campaign,  against  Canr,. 
ada,  is  promulgated.  Of  all  which  he  is  the  known  author; 
having  communicated,  to  the  committee  on  military  affairs,  the 
whole  project,  not  only  in  general,  but  in  its  details.  Above 
all,  that  no  doubt,  concerning  the  ultimate  purpose,  may  exist, 

Seventh.  Immediately  after  the  Secretary  of,  State  enters 
upon  the  duties  of  Seci'etary  at  War,  he  puts  to  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral Gushing  this  question  :  "  How  many  major  generals  and 
"brigadiers  are  necessary  for  an  army  of  thirty  five  thousand 
"men?"  Now,  as  this  question  was  put  by  authority,  and 
was  intended  to  be  communicated  to  congress,  and  was  in  its 
nature  very  simple^  one  would  have  supposed,  that  it  would 
have  been  enough,  in  all  conscience,  to  have  given  to  it  a  di- 
rect answer.  Besides,  it  is  not  always  thought  proper  for 
those  ^yho  are  in  the  under  grades  of  departments,  when  one 
question  is  proposed,  to  enter  into  the  discussion  of  another. 
However,  notwithstanding  these  obvious  suggestions,  one  half 
of  the  whole  reply  of  General  Gushing  is  taken  up  in  investi- 
gating not  the  question,  which  was  asked,  but  the  question  on 
which  the  honest  Adjutant,  in  the  simplicity  of  his  soul,  tells 
the  Secretary,  "  You  have  not  required  my  ofiinion"  The 
whole  of  this  part  of  the  letfjrruns  thus  :  — 

"  In  this  country  we  have  never  had  a  grade  between  the 
commander  in  chief  and  that  of  major  general  ;  hence  it  was 
found  necessary,  in  the  "  continental  army,"  to  give  to  the  sen- 
ior major-general  the  command  of  the  right  wing,  and  to  the 
next  in  rank  that  of  the  left;  which,  from  the  limited  number 
of  general  officers,  often  left  a  division  to  a  brigadier,  a  brigade 
to  a  colonel,  and  a  regiment  to  a  subordinate  field  officer;  but 
in  Murofie  this  difficulty  is  obviated  bC/  the  a/i/iointment  of  ge.  - 
eral  officers  of  hi i; her  tirades,"- 

"  From  the  best  information  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  on  this 
8ubje».t,  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  eight  major-gene- 
rals, and  sixteen  brigadiers,  to  command  the  divisions  and  bri- 
gades of  ara  army  of  thirty  fve  thousand  men,  is  the  lowest  es- 
timate which  the  uniform  practice  of  France,  Russia  and  Eng- 
land, will  warrant,  and  that  this  is  much  below  the  proportion 
of  officers  of  these  grades  aciuaiiy  employed  in  the  army  of  the 
revolution." 

"  wf«  you  have  not  required  my  ofiinion^  rjhether  it  be  necessary 
to  have  a  higher  grade  than   that  of  friajor-f^enertit,  I  have  nol 


X 

.> 


.,*'^ 


« 


*r. 


J 


■r^ 


"f '-"^-'V'  T 


^■p^ 


'jr 


I      \  ■ 


ki- 


':'A. 


%: 


■rf 


.« 


vin, 


;  -' 
J 

V 

■?j 

1 

# 


'  ^. 


deetked  it  firofier  to  touch  thia  aubject^  and  have  confined  myself 
to  the  number  of  major*generaIs  anu  brigadiers,  deemed  neces- 
•ary  to  command  the  divisions  and  brigades  of  an  army  of  thir- 
ty-five thousand  men.  It  may  not,  ho^vever,  be  improper  to 
remark,  that  if  it  is  intended  to  have  no  higher  grade  than  that 
of  major-general,  their  number  should  be  increased  to  eleven; 
ko  as  to  give  one  for  the  chief  command,  one  for  each  wing} 
and  one  for  each  division  of  four  thousand  men.** 

It  is  entertaining  to  see,  how  much  trouble  the  worthy  Ad- 
jutant  takes  to  impress  upon  the  mind,  that  the  Secretary  of 
State  "  Aarf  not  requi^'cd  his  opinion  *^  on  the  subject  of  a  grade 
higher  than  that  of  a  major-general.  He  even  goes  so  fur  us 
to  say,  that  he  has  "  not  deemed  it  fxrofier  to  touch  thia  aubject*"* 

Now,  sir,  I  think  he  has  touched  the  subject,  and  treated  it 
_^  pretty  thoroughly  too.  For  he  has  shewn,  not  only  that  it  is 
"difficult"  to  do  without,  but  that  it  is  more  economical  to  have 
a  grade  higher  than  a  major-general.  And  this  too,  in  an  army 
of  only  thirty -five  thouaand  men.  But  when  this  bill  passes,  the 
army  will  consist  of  fifty -five  thousand.  The  result  is,  then, 
inevitable,  you  must  have,  in  such  case,  a  grade  higher  than  a 
majur-general  ;  in  other  wordik,  a  lieutenant-general.  Such,  it 
cannot  be  denied,  is  the  intention  of  the  cabinet-  As  little  can 
it  be  denied,  that  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  acting  Secretary 
of  war,'is  the  cabinet  candidate  for  that  office.  So  it  has  been 
distinctly  avowed  by  the  friends  and  confidants  of  that  cabinet ; 
and  as  such,  I  have  no  question,  is  known  by  every  individual 
in  this  house. 

Mr.  Speaker,  what  an  astonishing,  and  alarming  state  of 
things  is  this  !  Three  men,  who  efficiently  have  had  the  com- 
mand of  this  nation,  for  ii^ny  years,  have  so  managed  its  con* 
cerns,  as  to  reduce  it,  from  an  unexampled  height  of  prosper- 
ity, to  a  state  of  great  depression— not  to  say  ruin.  They  have 
annihilated  its  commerce,  and  involved  it  in  war.  And  now 
the  result  of  the  whole  matter  is,  that  they  are  about  to  raisa 
an  army  of  fifty-five  thousand  men,  invest  one  of  their  own  body 
with  this  most  solemn  command,  and  he,  the  man,  who  is  the 
destined  candidate  for  the  President's  chair  1  What  a  grasp  at 
power  is  this  !  What  is  there  in  history  equal  to  it  !  Can  any 
man  doubt,  what  will  be  the  result  of  this  project  ?  No  man 
can  believe  that  the  conquest  of  Canada  will  be  effected  in  one 
campaign.  It  cost  the  British  six  years  to  acquire  it,  when  it 
was  far  weaker  than  at  present.  It  cannot  be  hoped  that  we 
can  acquire  it  under  three  or  four  years.  And  what,  then, 
will  be  the  situation  of  this  army  and  our  country  ?  Why  then, 
the  army  will  be  veteran  ;  and  the  leader,  a  candidate  for  the 
presidency  I  And  whoever  is  a  candidate  for  the  presidency, 
with  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  veterans  at  his  heels,  will  not 
be  likely  to  be  troubled  with  rivals,  or  to  concern  himself  about 
votes.  A  President  elected  under  such  auspices,  may  be  nom-i 
rnally  a  President  for  years  ;  but  really,  if  he  pleases^  a  Pre- 
sident for  life.    /^>  •       ,^^  r 


'"■CW 


*?: 


** 


,^;'^<!'.l^^ 


^m^ 


'*M^i' 


,«»»r-c,  - 


W    ■i"lJ.i-"^U 


led  mjrself 

)cd  neces> 
\y  of  thir- 

fproper  to 
than  that 

[o  eleven; 

ich  wing, 

rthy  Ad- 
retarjr  of 
If  a  grade 
so    far  us 
subject." 
treated  it 
that  it  is 
al  to  have 
1  an  army 
asses,  the 
t  is,  then, 
ler  than  a 
Such,  it 
little  can 
Secretary 
t  has  been 
t  cabinet ; 
individual 

:  state   of 

the  com- 
d  its  con- 

prosper- 
'hey  have 
And  now 
t  to  raisa 
own  body 
ho  is  the 

grasp  at 

Can  any 

No  man 
d   in  one 

when  it 

that  we 
it,  then, 
'hy  then, 
2  for  the 
>sidency, 

will  not 
!lf  about 
be  nom-i 
I,  a  Pre- 


# 


f^' 


53 


\ 


;'(. '   v^ 


I  know  that  all  this  will  seem  wild  ^n^^Sintastical  to  very 
many,  perhaps  to  all,  who  hear  me.  To  my  mind,  it  is  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other.  Hi^ory  is«fuU  of  events,  less  proba- 
ble, and  effected  by  armies  far  inferior  to  that,  which  is  pro- 
posed to  be  raised.  So  far^  from  deeming  it  mere  fancy,  I 
consider  it  absolutely  certain,  if  this  army  be  once  raised,  or- 
ganized, and  enter  upon  a  successful  career  of  conquest.  The 
result  of  such  a  power  as  this,  entrusted  to  a  single  individual, 
in  the  present  state  of  parties  and  passions  in  this  country,  no  ^ 
man  can  anticipate.  There  is  no  other  means  of  absolute  safe-  ^ 
ty,  but  denying  it  altogether. 

I  cannot  forget,  Mr.  Speaker,  that  the  sphere,  in  which  this 
great  army  is  destined  to  operate,  is  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
that  section  of  country,  where  it  is  probtlble,  in  case  the  pre-  |^ 
sent  destructive  measures  be  continued  in  operation,  the  most 
unanimous  opposition  will  exist  to  a  perpetuation  of  power  in 
the  present  hand  ;  or  to  its  transfer  to  its  destined  successor. 
I  cannot  forget,  that  it  has  been  distinctly  avowed  by  a  mem- 
ber on  this  floor,  a  gentleman  from  Virginia  too,  (Mr  Clay) 
and  one  very  likely  to  know  the  views  of  the  cabinet,  that 
"v>j-"  object  of  thin  army  was  to  put  down  ofifiosition" 

Sir,  the    greatness    of  this  project,  and    its    consequences, 
overwhelm  ray  mind.     I  know  very   well,    to  what  obloquy  I 
expose  myself  by  this  developement.  I  know  that  it  is,  always, 
an  unpardonable  sin,  to  pull  the  veil  from    the  party  deities  of 
the  day  ;    and  that  it  is  of  a  nature  not  to  be  forgiven,  either 
by  them,  or  their  worshippers-    I  hav^not  willingly,  nor  with-  ^ 
out  long  reflection,  taken  upon  myself  this  fesponsibility.  But 
it  has  been  forced  upon  mp  by  an  ifhperious  sense  of  duty     If        | 
the  people  of  the   Northern  and  Eastern  states  are  destined  to 
be    hewers  of  wood  and  drawers  of  water  to  men,  who  know      ^ 
nothing  about  their  interests,  and  care  nothing   about  them,  I   ^ 
am  clear  of  the- great  transgression.     If,  in  common  with  theif  *"^ 
countrymen,  my  childrer  80|kdesti|Bed  to  be  slaves,  and  to  yoke 
in  with  negroes,  chained  to  tne  csiPof  a  Southern  master,  they, 
at  least,  shall  have  this  sw#jet  consciousness  as  the  consolation 
of  their  condition — they  shall  be  able  to  say—"  Our  father 

■•yAS    GLILTLESS    OF    THESE    ChMv^,"* 

7  *■-  ^'  -'  "  -T^  "* 


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